The Fluidity of the Anti-Miscegenation Spirit in Atlanta and southern Georgia: a Charter of Interracial Intimacy from de Jure to de Facto Opposition, and Beyond

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Amber Paul

History 3090

October 30, 2005

Dr. Gagnon

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

            At the basis of anti-miscegenation laws lay the white-supremacist belief that white womanhood -- a symbol of white purity and superiority -- had to be protected from the innate lust of the black. Out of all the multitude factors of discrimination, miscegenation, and racial amalgamation, was the by far the one that instilled most fear and images of utter ruin in the minds of the whites. Georgia, and more specifically the greater Atlanta area including Fulton County and the Southern belt including Macon, Columbus, and Albany, encompassed this belief perhaps more than any other state (except for its bordering sister states that had similar racial paradigms). To fully delve into the impact that anti-miscegenation laws portended, and how they eventually ended and what changes they brought about, a closer look into their whole course must be chartered, specifically in the greater Atlanta area. When the Supreme Court ruled in 1967 in Loving vs. Virginia that all state anti-miscegenation statutes were void, the greater Atlanta area slumbered to its reality, and de facto acceptance of miscegenation was extremely painful and slow. Some sociologists contend that anti-miscegenation still lives on in this area, not by law, but by social behavior. Nevertheless, it remains important to delineate the course of anti-miscegenation laws and their impact on both sides of the 1967 divide, and how the ideology and actions have evolved, even though the spirit of these laws may have unfortunately remained to this day. It is therefore extremely significant to examine thoroughly the instances in the Atlanta area that occurred before and after 1967, and the ideologies running underneath, due to the fact that pure statistical data, or any other empirical data, about the number of interracial marriages or relationships simply does not exist. The U.S. Census Bureau first had sound data about the number of interracial marriages after the laws had been repealed, too late for the purpose of examining statistically how many interracial marriages or relationships these anti-miscegenation laws succeeded in destroying. Nevertheless, what could be done was extrapolate generally how many of these marriages did take place before and after these laws were voided, to elucidate clearly the engrossing influence they had on both whites and blacks. While it may seem that anti-miscegenation laws completely eradicated most of interracial marriages and the disposition to engage in one, it is quite surprising to note that despite the brutality that followed after violation of these laws, numerous instances of interracial relationships did occur in the Atlanta belt, as is surprising to note that even after elimination of these laws, white-black sex and marriage have remained alarmingly taboo for most habitants here to this day; hence, interracial marriage has chartered quite a fluid course in the history of Atlanta and southern Georgia, albeit with a few curves along the way.  

            Before charting the histiography of Jim Crow statutes and laws in Georgia, it is paramount to expound upon the ideology and technicalities behind them. The simplest description of the ideology behind anti-miscegenation laws was that they were the father of all discriminatory statutes. The foremost concern that whites had even before the Civil War but especially after was that racial amalgamation would lead to complete degradation and annihilation, much more than any integration of public or work places, schools, or transportation. In fact, segregation was necessary in all these locations due to the very fact that a black man and his ingrained lust to rape white women should never be brought in contact with his purported object of desire. To Southern whites, white womanhood symbolized purity and idealism, and any potential attack on it needed to be curtailed in its infancy, and if not, then avenged most brutally for it. This was especially true in Georgia, as in most of the Deep South: “This is Spring, 1944. A novel of miscegenation in Georgia is a best seller, and there are other signs that Stark Young may have extracted the last perfume from the Southern rose, that nostalgia itself is gone with the wind.” The significance of this particular excerpt from an article on April 16, 1944 is that while the author reminisces about the lost ideal of the South, he commences to describe such a nostalgic view with the fact that a novel about miscegenation in Georgia is a bestseller, almost putting the two on the same pedestal. Such was the obsession white Southerners had for miscegenation. Similarly, an article published in The Atlanta Constitution in 1913 carried Georgia’s House Representative, Roddenbery’s, vehement proclamations that the federal constitution needed to be amended to outlaw the marriage of whites and blacks:

 ‘I appeal to the states to pass laws that will prevent these outrages. Let the people of the several states cry out to their legislatures to protect by law our weak, helpless and unfortunate against the brutality that cannot but impair our civilization and lead finally to violence and vengeance that all lovers of law and order would deplore.’

Particularly significant about Roddenbery’s diction is that first, Georgia was among the states that championed anti-miscegenation laws most vociferously (which suggested quite clearly the deep-ingrained racist ideology in the state), and second, that anti-miscegenation laws were seen to be as a check to prevent not only destruction of the white civilization but also “mob violence” and “brutality.” Roddenbery’s speech was triggered by the marriage of Helen Hanson, a 15-year-old white girl, and a 42-year-old black, George Thompson, in Michigan. Perhaps most revealing is Roddenbery’s diction in the following tirade:

‘My God, that the laws of any civilized state will permit a bestial brute to have sanctioned by law his wedlock to such a child! [Thompson] is formally charged with abduction…I don’t know what they will do…in Michigan, but, by God, I know what they would do in Georgia. No jail in my section of the country would be strong enough to hold that nigger.’

Again, Roddenbery quite clearly implied that Georgia’s predilection for anti-miscegenation laws was far stronger than most other states, more so because the more entrenched racist ideology of the whites of Georgia (as opposed to Michigan and other northern states) would have led them to most likely lynch Thompson. That was the “mob law” that Roddenbery alluded to; that this very “mob law,” or anti-miscegenation law, needed to be put into the federal constitution to prevent such mob violence and, in addition, put the “brute” back in his place. Hand-in-hand with this ideology were the technicalities that Southern whites introduced in enacting these anti-miscegenation laws, so as to further cement white superiority in the informal and intimate domains of life. The chief rule that was applied was the one-drop rule, which outlined the method to determine whiteness and blackness and suggested that the offspring from any black-white union would be illegitimate. Similarly, every illegitimate child was considered black. While states had various ratios to determine what constituted a black, Georgia instituted a policy that if an individual had one-eighth of African ancestry, he/she would be considered black, and hence, marriage to any white would be void. The implications of this rule were that white men could forge secret relationships with black women while ridding themselves of any matrimonial and parental responsibilities. Such a case happened in Georgia in late 1870s, when in Dillon vs. Dillon, Mr. Dillon denied the legality of his marriage with Mrs. Dillon on the account that she had more than one-eighth African ancestry. Here, however, the anti-miscegenation law was not enforced by the courts, who claimed that because Mrs. Dillon looked white enough, Mr. Dillon would need to pay her alimony after their divorce. This case was a landmark for not only Georgia but also for the whole South as Southern whites were forced to fulfill matrimonial and parental rights if the color line distinguishing blackness was vague or lineage was unable to be traced. Nonetheless, while this may have led to increased numbers of interracial marriages upheld, these marriages were still extremely rare before 1967 due to anti-miscegenation laws being enforced much more zealously than otherwise. The need for such, as well as enforcement of the one-drop rule, were rendered even more important so that blacks could not gain “access to white wealth and privilege through marriage…[after] all, in black-white marriages, the one drop rule dictated that the heirs to white fortunes would be black.” At the heart of these anti-miscegenation laws, however, was the ideology that Oswald Villard and W.E.B. Du Bois in a letter termed so aptly: “Anti-miscegenation laws amounted to a state-sponsored declaration ‘that black blood is a physical taint’ – a concession that ‘no self-respecting colored man [or] woman can be asked to [make].’” [1]

            Yet this concession had loomed profoundly in the greater Atlanta belt since 1869, when the Georgia Supreme Court indicted Charlotte Scott (a black) for adultery and fornication in the case Scott vs. Georgia, and then later on as a series of anti-miscegenation statutes were put into place. In this case the State of Georgia pronounced that that the “Code of Georgia, as adopted by the new constitution, section 1707, forever prohibits the marriage relation between the two races, and declares all such marriages null and void.” What follows is a ghastly explanation for this segregation, and which highlights how overtly racist the whites in Georgia were:

The amalgamation of the races is not only unnatural, but it is always productive of deplorable results…the offspring of these unnatural connections are generally sickly and effeminate, and that they are inferior in physical development and strength to the full blood of either race…such connections never elevate the inferior race to the position of the superior, but they bring down the superior to that of the inferior. They are productive of evil and evil only, without any corresponding good…the laws of the Code of Georgia makes all citizens equal, without regard to race or color; but it does not create…moral or social equality between the different races…Such equality does not in face exist and never can. The God of nature made it otherwise, and no human law can produce it, and no human tribunal can enforce it…From the tallest archangel in heaven down to the meanest reptile on earth moral and social inequalities exist, and must continue to exist throughout all eternity.

The quite lucid arguments of the State of Georgia encompassed the majority opinion of the whites of the Atlanta area, as the riot of 1906 and the emergence of the Ku Klux Klan there showed. Sufficient it is to note that both these phenomenon were triggered chiefly due to the supposed violation of anti-miscegenation laws by blacks. Yet this case was only a defense of the first anti-miscegenation statute that Georgia passed in 1865, a statute that made it unlawful for officials to issue marriage licenses to “person of African descent and the other a white person,” the penalty of which was a “misdemeanor that carried a fine between $200 and $500, or confinement in jail for three months, or both.” Similarly ministers in violation could be fined between $500 to $1000, confined to jail for six months, or both. In 1926, this state code was expanded to include that only colored clergyman could marry blacks and that any interracial marriage was null if the parties went to another jurisdiction where such marriages were allowed. Then, in 1927, the statute was revised to a declaration that it was ‘“unlawful for a white person to marry anyone except a white person.”’ In addition, “all persons with any ascertainable trace of Negro blood must be classified as persons of color,” with the penalty being imprisonment in the penitentiary for one to two years.” The very next year, miscegenation was upgraded from a misdemeanor to a “felony,” and whites were forbidden to marry Asians or Malays. In 1935, the state code was reaffirmed with the simple statement that it was illegal for whites to marry any other but whites, with felony and one to two year imprisonment as the penalties. From 1935 to 1967 when Loving vs. Virginia repealed it, the Georgia state code remained the same. Although each state had similar statutes, some of them were less stringent than others; however, Georgia’s was the among the most stringent ones, as it expressively stated that miscegenation with not only blacks but with any other race was a felony (many states did not expressly state this) and also that any miscegenation even outside of Georgia would still be void (which, again, many states did indeed allow). In addition, Georgia was among the chief proponents of having an anti-miscegenation law put into the federal constitution, as its House Representative Roddenberry opined for in 1944. These factors all were significant because they constituted for the relative dearth of any interracial marriages or relationships before 1967 in the Atlanta and southern Georgia area. [2]

            However, there were still instances when interracial marriages or interracial sex did occur, but when they did indeed happen or purportedly happened in the eyes of whites, the punishments meted out curtailed those instances even further. These punishments were of twofold nature: the first and more ostensible one by brutality, and the second one by law and bureaucracy. Perhaps the most popular one was the Atlanta riot of 1906: “Goaded by false stories about rapes of white women by Negro men, a white mob terrorized blacks in Georgia’s capital…clubs and fists descending to the accompaniment of savage shouting…the body lay dead in a pool of blood in the street.” The whites went in hordes after new prey as they saw any black passing by. Most of the lynchings that occurred were primarily due to the supposed sex crimes blacks committed against white women. Rural Georgia was perhaps the site of the most lynchings, as ‘“if there was such a thing as a typical lynching it took place in a rural south Georgia county during the summer.’” Nevertheless, the records of the NAACP “reveal that lynchings could and did occur at any location across the state…and more often in Georgia than in any other state except Mississppi. Generally the pretext for a murder without trial was the threat of miscegenation.” Similarly, in “May 1940…a black man and white woman were seen together in the woods outside Social Circle to the east of Atlanta. The Ku Klux Klan sought reprisal by lynching two black men entirely unconnected with the incident…” Hence, due to these circumstances, blacks rarely ever threatened to violate any anti-miscegenation laws, and consequently, interracial marriages or interracial rape by blacks were extremely rare. Usually these lynchings, as the 1940 incident indicates, were provoked by “unsubstantiated rumor.” The consequences of miscegenation were too morose for blacks to consider throwing their lives away, and only a few cases, in relative terms, ever had any truth to them. However, that by no means precluded any interracial marriages or relationships in the Atlanta and southern Georgia area during that time, as indeed the failed project of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) to reach out to rural areas (like Albany) showed. One of the leaders, Sherrod, noted “despondently that by the end of 1962, the only Albany students willing to be involved were those who thought that SNCC was a ‘great way to meet girls’…The question students were asking was ‘how can I hit on one of those fair broads.”’ However, whether and how many of these initial attractions developed into full-blown affairs remained unclear. Yet students did indeed flout “SNCC’s strict rule proscribing volunteers from forming relationships…Sherrod admitted, ‘Yea, sexual relations. This is a hell of a problem.’” As this incident suggested, not all blacks were completely deterred by the consequences in their pursuit of sexual expression. However, it is safe to claim that instances of these kinds were extremely rare. Perhaps more indicative of the situation was the treatment handed out to Georgia author Lillian Smith, who in her book Strange Fruit told the love story of a white man and a mulatto maid -- and whose book didn’t even merit a review from the Atlanta Constitution. Smith’s home was later burned down by arsonists in 1955. Such was white Georgians’ fear of miscegenation that even proponents, let alone the black offenders, were not spared personal or property damage. One more telling instance was the desegregation of two schools in Augusta, Richmond County in 1965 (as was warranted by the Brown vs. Board of Education decision of 1956). While the schools allowed some racial desegregation, they also segregated by sex for the first time; then, in an effort to cover the real reason county officials themselves ironically brought the truth to light, by denying vehemently that this new segregation was placed to separate black male teenagers from white female ones. This essentially showed the second way that whites tried to implement anti-miscegenation laws in action, by law and bureaucracy --- with the first being brutality as a deterrent to miscegenation. [3]

            The Supreme Court decision of Loving vs. Virginia of 1967 changed this whole legal scenario, though, but in Georgia, anti-miscegenation hues remained until at least five years afterwards. The pretext of Loving vs. Virginia was that white Richard Loving had married black Mildred Jeter in Washington D.C. to avoid their home state, Virginia’s, anti-miscegenation laws. However, when they moved back to Virginia, their marriage license was deemed to be void, and they were arrested and indicted for violating Virginia’s Racial Integrity Act. Their one-year jail sentence was waived on the condition that they would leave Virginia and not return for twenty-five years. Although initially they did move to the District of Columbia, Mildred Loving in 1963 wrote a letter to Attorney Journal Robert F. Kennedy to attain some respite, and eventually the U.S. Supreme Court “rendered a unanimous decision written by Chief Justice Warren, which reversed the Virginia courts and, after some three hundred years, finally put an end to the enforceability of anti-miscegenation laws.” In his decision, Warren overtly attacked anti-miscegenation laws as created only to maintain white supremacy, and held them to be in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause – for marriage was

‘one of the basic civil rights of man…to deny this fundamental freedom on so unsupportable a basis as the racial classifications embodied in the [act]…is surely to deprive all the State’s citizens of liberty without due process of law…Under our Constitution, the freedom to marry, or not marry, a person of another race resides with the individual and cannot be infringed by State.’

While the Fourteenth Amendment was originally not drawn up to prevent anti-miscegenation laws so as long as they applied equally to every race, Loving vs. Virginia nonetheless held that they intrinsically were discriminatory, and hence, illegal. The ramifications of this court case were immediate, as all anti-miscegenation statutes for all states were voided with immediate effect. However, what was alarming was that the reaction of whites was relatively muted, as opposed to the Brown vs. Board of Education decision:

Whereas officials openly and effectively stymied the enforcement of Brown in large areas of the country for decades, opposition to the implementation of Loving was relatively Lilliputian. White anti-miscegenationists did not riot, or promulgate congressional manifestoes condemning the Supreme Court, or close down marriage bureaus to prevent the desegregation of matrimony.

This was also true in the Atlanta region and most of Georgia, although Georgia took five years to repeal the anti-miscegenation statutes from its books, in 1972. However, while indeed the reaction to Loving was muted in Georgia as well as the other Southern states normally associated with racist tendencies, Georgia nonetheless did have a few instances where the state refused to comply with the order and refused to issue marriage licenses to interracial couples. One such incident was noted in a New York Times May 21, 1971 article, where the Justice Department filed a suit against the state of Georgia and a county official, H.W. Roberts, for refusing to issue a marriage license to white Army lieutenant  John Ray Sanford (at Fort Benning, Georgia) and his black fiancée, Betty Byrom of Mountain View, Georgia. The United States District Court in Atlanta issued a temporary restraining order against Roberts and forced him to grant the license. This incident does suggest that while the 1967 decision had immediate repercussions in some of the Northern states, and especially Virginia, Georgia still lumbered to its reality and county officials still often used their personal discretion in refusing to grant marriage licenses. They were, however, normally forced to do so once the federal courts got involved. The other interesting observation was that Georgia did not immediately remove the anti-miscegenation statutes from its books until five years after the 1967 decision, when Virginia had done so in 1968 and West Virginia, Texas, Florida, Oklahoma, and Missouri in 1969. Although Georgia could not actively enforce its anti-miscegenation statutes during that time, the delay is significant in representing Georgians’ belief that white-black marriages and sexual relations were not natural. That perhaps was the reason why the Justice Department had to offer respite to interracial couples quite often, especially during those five years in between from 1967 to 1972, as the 1971 case indicates. Although enforceability had been dismantled, the simmering ideology underneath was too potent for jurisdiction to completely eradicate. [4]

            This simmering ideology, although many shades lighter than the pure racist one of the pre-1967 period, has persisted to this day, especially in Atlanta and southern Georgia. The ideology behind the anti-miscegenation laws stemmed from a desire to maintain white supremacy, but post-1967 it developed into one that fostered racial solidarity. Before the shift in mental paradigm is discussed, the conformity in the sheer numbers of racial intermarriages before 1967 and after 1967 suggests that not much has changed. According to the U.S. Bureau of the Census 1993, the number of interracial marriages in the Unites States has increased, from 310,000 in 1970, 651,000 in 1980, to 1,161,000 in 1992. These statistics percentage-wise shed clearer light, though: interracial marriages accounted for 0.7% of all marriages in 1970 to 1.3% in 1980, to 2.2% in 1992. Though sound statistical data per state does not exist as of yet, it would be safe to assume that in states like Georgia, where racism was most deeply entrenched, these numbers would most probably be even lower. Nonetheless, these numbers clearly suggest that despite anti-miscegenation laws being long confined to the ashes, very rarely do both blacks and whites condone interracial unions. In a substantial amount of polls in recent years, a significant majority of Americans remain against interracial marriage: “Some polls suggest that as much as 20% of the white population continues to believe that interracial marriage should be illegal,” writes Harvard University law professor, Randall Kennedy. Why has the annulment of anti-miscegenation laws not have a profound impact on interracial intimacy then? According to Kennedy, anti-miscegenation laws had a racial motive behind it, an ideology, and while the law may have moved on, people’s outlooks haven’t:

Some of these [whites] express their disapproval in ways that go beyond answering the questions of pollsters. Through stares, catcalls, and even violence, they put a shadow over interracial intimacy…in many locales, mixed couples face a substantial risk that they will be subjected to abuse by those who feel affronted by a form of loving that they perceive as ‘unnatural’…A second impediment is the centrifugal force of black solidarity…Blacks who intermarry with whites can expect to be viewed with skepticism, if not hostility, by many other blacks who will consider them to be racial defectors…A third impediment has to do with the brutal consequences of deprivation: the fact that, because of historical and ongoing oppression, many blacks will simply have less to offer in the marriage market.

In recounting the reasons for the opposition to interracial intimacy, Kennedy suggests that although the means of deterrent (societal shunning rather than violence) to miscegenation may have changed, as well as the ideology from one of pure racism to racial solidarity, anti-miscegenation laws have lived on in spirit. This point is evident in Elizabeth Alexander’s review of author Charles F. Robinson’s book, Dangerous Liaisons: Sex and Love in the Segregated South:

Although they sought the repeal of anti-miscegenation laws, African Americans also opposed interracial marriage as an ‘abandonment or betrayal of racial loyalities’…Anti-miscegenation laws gradually disappeared after the 1967 Loving decision by the Supreme Court. But the existence of interracial relationships remains an emotionally charged issue for most blacks and whites…the social attitudes of both groups today toward interracial unions reflect the heritage of their mutual past.

Again, the fluidity of anti-miscegenation embodiment has largely remained status quo for both racial groups, even after the laws have vanished. While the ideology may have changed from a purely racist one to one of solidarity and economic concern, the specter of anti-miscegenation from before 1967 still dominates the mental paradigms of today. This has also led to a newfound resentment towards black males intermarrying white women, for a new social phenomenon described as the “marriage squeeze” for black women has arisen. According to recent statistics, “black men are 2.5 times more likely to be married to a white spouse and 3.3 times more likely to be cohabitating with a white person, as compared to their black female counterparts,” which in turn has led many to believe and resent that the “most eligible and desirable black men are marrying non-black women leaving black women wishing to marry black men with fewer partnering options.” Consequently, racial intermarriages and miscegenation have come under even more pressure from sociological and demographic factors, albeit them being much less determining than the ideological one. [5]

            This ideological opposition to miscegenation has been quite evident in Atlanta and the rural southern parts of Georgia, where social ostracizing and frowns have replaced the lynchings and where racial solidarity has replaced pure racism, but where anti-miscegenation laws live through common practices rather than by law. It is extremely significant to consider that although the ideology may have changed slightly, these practices nonetheless have more than a tinge of racism behind them. Racial solidarity, where black is beautiful, may very well be the driving factor against miscegenation now, as opposed to pure racism, but there still exists nevertheless unapologetically racism behind these new reasons for anti-miscegenation. This is most clearly seen on the Atlanta Journal Constitution’s website, where they have a forum running asking the question: “Why do you believe a bias against interracial dating still exists.” Some of the responses from very common urban people are quite enlightening; a woman in Decatur, GA wrote as follows:

I really take offense to the fact that everyone thinks that 'mainly' or 'particularly' or 'mostly' Black women get upset at IRRs [interracial relationships]. Well, let me tell you, Black men don't like it, either. They're just not as vocal about it as women are. You should have heard the outcry regarding Halle Berry being "a White man's whore" in Monsters Ball...The majority of Black women don't have a problem with IRRs but I'll tell you what - you walk behind a beautiful Black woman holding hands with a White guy in Buckhead on any given weekend and you'll see how much 'love' she gets from the 'Brothas.'

Another post from a gentleman in Decatur, GA reads as follows:

Actually, through the eyes of a scientist, race is a social construct. We differ very little from a genetic standpoint. Actually, we are far more alike than different. It is the propaganda of cultures with selfish intentions to spread their own superiority for their benefit. I am painfully aware of the importance of skin color to Americans. This is rooted in the very fiber of this country, from the founding fathers to the current administration. Racism is driven by economics, cheered by big business, and powered by a propaganda monster-the media. The best way to control a population is the divide and conquer - convince us that we are different. Convince us that some are more deserving than others. The problems with interracial dating strike at the very core of this country, its stereotypes, and its lies.

These posts suggest most ostensibly the fact that opposition to interracial dating persists not only in the rural and supposedly backwards areas of Georgia, but also in such a metropolitan city like greater Atlanta. While these and similar posts are quite revealing, the very fact that a prominent daily like the Atlanta Journal Constitution, in 2005, has to ask this question symbolizes how the anti-miscegenation spirit still remains. In the southern belt of Georgia, this is even more evident, where practices like segregated prom still occur. The Southcoast Today recently revealed that Johnson County High School in Wrightsville, Georgia, held a private, whites-only prom for their children “in hopes of perpetuating a dying Southern tradition.” Similarly, at Taylor County High School in Columbus, Georgia, students reverted to a segregated prom after experimenting with an integrated prom only one time. The author of this particular article, Jeffrey Shapiro, writes that

Segregated proms, although apparently few, are one of the worst public displays of racism in today's America. By their very nature, separate proms teach a child that to love another whose skin color is different is immoral and forbidden. It is shameful that nearly 50 years after the Brown decision, the practice is still going on.

This case, and that of Taylor County High’s, reveal lucidly that anti-miscegenation was the father of all other forms of discrimination, whether that be segregation in schools, public places, or transportation. Commenting on Taylor County High’s case, Kron news station noted that “parents and students organized separate proms for whites and blacks after school officials stopped sponsoring dances, in part because they wanted to avoid problems arising from interracial dating.” In a similar case with racist overtures, Barbara Cruz and Michael Berson reported in their Organization of American Historians article that in 1996 leaders of a Georgia church “elected to disinter the body of a mixed race infant who was buried in the church’s all-white cemetery; [after] the decision gained national attention and protest, the church backed down and allowed the baby to remain in the family plot.” However, the church leaders reportedly did not stop there, as they then refused to marry the infant’s parents, a black man and a white woman. Cases like these, while admittedly few, continue to remind Atlanta and Georgia of its racist past of how it intruded upon one of the most unalienable and private rights of its citizens, that of marriage and love. While anti-miscegenation laws have indeed disappeared from Georgia, their remnants are still visible for all to see, in practice and through custom, and fired by the same ideological demons as before. [6]

            However, to suggest that the anti-miscegenation spirit has remained constant from before 1967 to after would be belittling the impact that the annulment of these laws has had in Atlanta and Georgia, but because the anti-miscegenation tendencies have remained etched in the societal paradigms of people, “fluidity” of the anti-miscegenation spirit would be a more apt term. The end of anti-miscegenation laws in Georgia did herald an elimination of overt racism and did signal proliferation of interracial marriages and relationships. It also was an open challenge to anti-miscegenationists that America was ready for an overthrow of discriminatory practices and ideals. However, because Georgia has always been one of the states most readily associated with the Deep South and its racist propensity, that challenge was relatively weak compared to other parts of the nation. The challenge to eradicate this propensity began with the elimination of these laws, but true success would be achieved only when areas like rural Georgia and Atlanta readily accept comprehensive affirmation, and more importantly, the espousal of equality in the most private of mankind’s domains. Until then, it remains a battle to be won. 

Endnotes:

 

1. Frances Gaither, “The Latest Works of Fiction,” New York Times, 16 April 1944, BR6, in GALILEO [database on-line], ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 – 2001); accessed October 5, 2005. John Corrigan Jr., “Mob Law as Check for Miscegenation,” The Atlanta Constitution, 31 January 1913, 8, in GALILEO [database on-line], ProQuest Historical Newspapers Atlanta Constitution (1868-1925); accessed October 5, 2005. Randall Kennedy, Interracial Marriages: Sex, Marriage, Identity, and Adoption (New York: Random House, 2003), 236-237,257. Rachel F. Moran, Interracial Intimacy: The Regulation of Race & Romance (Chicago: The University of Chicago, 2001), 27.

 

2. Norman P. Desmarais and James H. McGovern, “Opinion of the Georgia Supreme Court on Interracial Marriage,” Essential Documents in American History, 1492-Present 1, no. 2p (NA), in Academic Search Premier [database on-line], EBSCOhost, GALILEO; accessed October 3, 2005. Kennedy, 288. Georgia Jim Crow, “Jim Crow Laws: Georgia”; available from http://www.jimcrowhistory.org/scripts/jimcrow/insidesouth.cgi?state=Georgia; Internet, accessed 22 September 2005. John Corrigan Jr., 8.

 

3. Kennedy, 288. Stephen G. N. Tuck, Beyond Atlanta: The Struggle for Racial Equality in Georgia, 1940-1980 (Athens: University of Georgia, 2001), 14,29-30,171,204.

 

4. Kennedy, 273-279. “U.S. Challenges Law Against Miscegenation,” New York Times, 21 May, 1971, 79, in GALILEO [database on-line], ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 – 2001); accessed October 15, 2005.

 

5. The Free Dictionary by Farlex, “Interracial Couple”; available from http://encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com/interracial%20marriage; Internet; accessed 29 October 2005. Mary E. Williams, Interracial America: Opposing Viewpoints (San Diego: Greenhaven Press, 2001), 166-172. H-Net Reviews in the Humanities and Social Sciences, “Review of Charles F. Robinson II’s Dangerous Liaisons: Sex and Love in the Segregated South”; available from http://www.h-net.msu.edu/reviews/showpdf.cgi?path=70021102604854; Internet; accessed 17 October 2005.

 

6. The Atlanta Journal Constitution, “Forum Interracial Dating”; available from http://www.ajc.com/opinion/content/opinion/woman/0104/forum_dating.html; Internet; accessed 20 October 2005. Southcoast Today, “Message of Segregated Proms: Love is Wrong”; available from http://www.southcoasttoday.com/daily/05-03/05-19-03/a12op071.htm; Internet; accessed 20 October 2005. Kron 4, “GA School Re-Segregates Prom”; available from http://www.kron.com/global/story.asp?s=1262033&ClientType=Print; Internet; accessed 21 October 2005. Organization of American Historians, “The American Melting Pot? Miscegenation Laws in the United States”; available from http://www.oah.org/pubs/magazine/family/cruz-berson.html; Internet; accessed 19 October 2005.