In the late 1930’s a great project to record people’s lives took place throughout the South, and while these works have been rediscovered, the writers themselves have disappeared into history. The white writers of the 1930’s Jim Crow era require analysis in order to understand both their written works and their lives. While the Slave Narratives and Life Stories tell a great deal about the interviewees, they also allow insight into the lives of the Work Progress Administration (WPA) workers themselves. In the case of Sadie B. Hornsby, an Athens WPA researcher, comparing samples of her many works on whites and African Americans is one of the only ways to gain any insight to her life. She came to Athens and spent only five years in the city. Little is known about her life, but her preserved works combined with the little background knowledge allow for a brief glimpse into the ideology of this former writer.

Sadie Hornsby’s life before and after her time in Athens is generally a mystery, but a few details of her life have survived. Hornsby was a white woman who came to Athens in 1935 and stayed until 1940. It is unknown from where she originated. She rented a house on Prince Avenue. She spent some time working as a clerk or stenographer before gaining employment with the WPA. She was married and had two children. However, her husband died and her children no longer lived with her by the time that she arrived in Athens.1

She worked for the Federal Writers’ Project (FWP) component of the Works Progress Administration. As a part of the FWP she wrote numerous Slave Narratives and Life Stories chronicling the lives of many Athens residents. This work was undertaken in order to give many white collar professionals jobs during the Great Depression. Hornsby worked on projects to record the history of average Americans. The Slave Narratives preserved the memories of former slaves who were still alive. The Life Stories project took people from all levels of society and recorded their history. Hornsby needed the employment, but in the process gained a place in history.2

Hornsby’s short time in an office type job may tell of her skills that were very valuable to an FWP worker. City directories list her as both a clerk and a stenographer; however, nothing else is known of her work experience prior to the FWP. Her ability to work as a stenographer probably suited the FWP very well. Hornsby’s skill at transcribing speech rapidly would be of immense use. It also means that less of the original would be lost due to errors in transcription. Her works probably represent the actual sentiments of the slaves.3

Hornsby seems to have been in close contact with her neighbor and editor. Sarah H. Hall was very similar to Hornsby. They were both widows who were new to the town. Hall first shows up on the city directory records in 1938, which is when she began her FWP work. They also lived next door to each other in similar style houses. Hall did some Slave Narratives of her own, and she edited many of Hornsby’s narratives. Hornsby and Hall may have met earlier in their lives, or they may have met through the FWP. However, they certainly were more than just neighbors.4

What little is known allows for some conclusions about her life and her relationship with African Americans. Hornsby lived across the street from several African Americans and very close to an African American section of town. However, the group across the street seems to have been very prosperous. They were probably the most affluent group of African Americans in Athens. In a town that was half African American, and with her proximity to their section of town, it is also likely she encountered African Americans regularly.5

Hornsby lived in a reasonable house at the time. She lived on Prince Avenue in a neighborhood full of wood frame houses. Her house is very typical in shape and design. The house had a shingled roof. It also had a front porch with a tin roof. She had an average sized area in front of her house, but it is difficult to tell any details of the house or the surrounding landscape. She only had a few rooms in her modest home, but compared to the neighborhood as a whole, her house seems to be a decent size.6

Other houses in the neighborhood were very similar to Hornsby’s house. To her right lived Sarah Hall. She had a two-story house with a slightly larger footprint. She also had a slightly larger yard. Hall rented the house, and she may have shared the house with Mrs. Frances McConnell, the homeowner. The neighborhood itself seemed to be filled with small houses although many had small out buildings listed as automobile garages. The exception was the affluent African American group that lived on the corner of Milledge and Prince. While neither of the WPA writers had garages, the houses facing Prince seemed to be generally larger than the neighborhood houses as a whole.7

These interviews were taking place during a period of time in which racism was at its height in the United States. Ideas of racial superiority were common. Racism was an accepted way of life in the country. The South certainly contributed to the advancement of racism and continued to perpetuate the color lines. Hornsby had the assignment of crossing these color lines to complete her works. The way in which she interacted with the African Americans of the town would greatly influence the results of her research. The manner in which she felt about the task and the way in which she undertook the job depended greatly on how she fit into society.8

Hornsby, like many people suffering the effects of the Depression, must have found herself in an awkward social position. Her status as a widow and her subsequent employment by the WPA suggest that she was not extremely wealthy. Her residence was across the street from the affluent African Americans with their two story houses. She was also very close to some of the poorer and African American sections of town. In a time when many whites were in financial trouble, Hornsby herself probably included, she must have had an interesting relationship with the well off neighbors of color in the segregated South. The fact that they lived in houses larger than hers is very interesting. She may have exempted these select few from the common cooks and washers that resided nearby; however, she may have also gained a greater insight into the characteristics of people of color.9

Race played a great if subtle role in influencing the interview. Sadie Hornsby showed an example of interview bias in her writing by referring to Francis Willingham as a “negress.”10 Hornsby described Dosia Harris as an “old southern darky.”11 These references stigmatized the interviewee and placed a degrading emphasis on African Americans. Hornsby was probably using the common vernacular of the time, but the effect was to degrade her interviewee. It gave the appearance of a superior white interviewing a lesser person. It may seem overly critical to fixate on singular adjectives, but these descriptions carry a tremendous allusion to the social stigmatism of the time.12

Hornsby’s Slave Narrative interviews exhibit the characteristics of life in the racially stratified south. Her descriptions of the interviewees commonly degraded the simple homes and clothing of the ex-slaves, and her descriptions of the people reflected a derogatory vernacular. Many times she described broken down homes with boards missing in the porches and leaks in the ceilings. She described Gloria Baker’s clothing as a “costume.”13 Again, she showed an unspoken sense of supremacy over many of the African Americans whom she interviewed.

She later described an African American woman as grumbling about the plight of other African Americans. In this time period of general need and privation, it is amazing that such a negative term would be used. It would seem that Hornsby, the benefactor of a colossal social program, would certainly understand the complaints of this woman. It would make more since that the complaining of an African American in a narrative for this particular organization would not receive much sympathy. There were many whites who were suffering the effects of the Depression, and the plight of the African Americans was not terribly important to many.

Hornsby’s writings highlighted the customs and etiquette expectations of the time. In addition to Slave Narratives, Hornsby also did many Life Stories. This example of her writing provided a direct comparison between the social and racial classes. When referring to white people, regardless of economic or social status, she used a title and their last name. One glaring example is the use of “Mrs. Bramblett”14 when referring to the former mill worker. The former mill worker began the interview with “Let me git a dip of snuff and I’ll with ye.”15 She later went on to describe how she would dip and spit in front of the President. Mrs. Bramblett certainly did not depict the essence of a woman of great class; however she still warranted the use of a title.16

In comparison, Hornsby almost exclusively referred to African Americans by their first name. She did this with poor wash women, and she even referred to a veteran principal with thirty-seven years in education by her first name. Titles for African Americans were not used under normal circumstances in the South. Hornsby seemed to use the same lack of respect in her writings. Hornsby did this throughout her Life Stories and Slave Narratives. It also appeared in her Slave Narratives. A title used in reference to an African American in any of the writings is very difficult to find.17

The absence of titles in the writings resembles the days of the antebellum South. Referring to African Americans by their first names is similar to the common treatment of children. However, like the slaves of paternalistic plantation ideals, these later African Americans faced the same references as eternal children. Regardless of the accomplishments, these people never seemed to be able to garner the respect of the whites. Children often went by their first names and adults went by titles. In this same way, people of color went by first names, and white people went by their titles and last names.18

The treatment of Hornsby was different than if she had been black. Her conversation with Sarah Hill illustrates this point. When she knocked on the door, the women instructed her to meet them in the rear of the house. She walked around, and Mrs. Hill responded in horror that she had walked through the mud. She stated that if she had known that Hornsby was white that she would have allowed her to come through the house. The difference in treatment for Hornsby, who was a stranger, is amazing. Even though they had never met, the black women automatically assumed that because she was white, that she should not walk through the mud. Apparently, it was acceptable for African Americans to walk through the mud. If such a small thing as this created such commotion, it is interesting to wonder what might have happened differently in the interview if Mrs. Hill had not known that Hornsby was white.19

Mr. Pope’s narrative shows some other common problems which the interviewer must overcome. Mr. Pope asked if Hornsby was involved with the government pension. It was a common problem for people to connect the interviewers with this coveted service. The Social Security system was a New Deal system that was wrought with discrimination. Problems with the unfair management of early subsidies and the biased manner in which aid was allotted put most African Americans at an extreme disadvantage. As a result, many of the interviewees may have been extremely wary of saying anything to a government employee that could have jeopardized their chances for a pension.20

Hornsby did her best to overcome any ideas of her influence on pensions. It was important to ensure that Mr. Pope did not censor his answers in order to give what he perceived to be answers that are more appropriate. Mr. Pope did mention that he had forgotten many things. Scholars have argued that this implied that the ex-slave may be afraid to tell something and simply used old memories as an excuse. This could have been the case with Mr. Pope, but considering his age of 84 and his general openness to Mrs. Hornsby, it is more likely to assume that old age really had taken its affects.21

Looking back on the past may have colored the truth of slavery as well. These interviews took place in the depths of the Depression. Many people of every race were regularly going hungry and worrying about losing their homes. For many of these ex-slaves who were merely children during their slave years, the past seemed much more safe and secure than the present. They remembered getting regular meals and a place to sleep, but they were not yet old enough to know the true cruelties of slavery. The result was a general idea of prosperity during the era of slavery.22

She did manage to overcome problems common with white interviewers, and her successes included a cultivation of trust. In Alec Pope’s interview, he spoke very negatively of slavery. He spoke of the cruelty of the whites who could “always find fault.”23 He spoke of the patrollers that would commonly harass the slaves. It could be a tribute to Hornsby’s ability to gain the trust of the ex-slaves. It may have been her frequent contact, or it may just have been that she could naturally cultivate the trust. In some way, she was able to overcome John W. Blassingame’s “caste etiquette.”24 She did have a great deal of success with some of her interviewees.25

Many of the subjects in Hornsby’s Slave Narratives also expressed a feeling of gratitude for Hornsby’s interest in their lives. Carrie Hudson ended by saying “I sho 'has 'joyed dis talk.”26 Will Sheets expressed similar enjoyment, and Charlie Hudson seemed overjoyed to get to talk about his life. It is hard to tell if Hornsby was genuinely interested in the plight of these African Americans, or if she simply had the interrogative skill to overcome any preconceived ideas or prejudices. For whatever reason, however, Hornsby was very successful in gaining the trust and interest of her interviewees.

Regardless of Hornsby’s personal opinions the interview process established by the WPA influenced the final product as well. Hornsby followed the outline for Life Stories closely. It is logical that she did the same with the Slave Narratives. One of the primary goals of the work programs was to stress the rewards of hard work. Referring to personal cotton patches, Will Sheets stated that some slaves did not produce anything to supplement themselves “'cause dey was too lazy to wuk.”27 While Sheets was the one that made this statement, it is logical to assume that Hornsby was eager to include it in the final paper.28

The use of an outline means that depending on how closely the interviewer followed it, the final product could be distorted from the actual account of the interviewer. John A. Lomaz helped to develop a questionnaire for the WPA. The fourth question asked questions about what the interviewee ate. It then offered three suggestions, “Any possums? Rabbits? Fish?”29 This could certainly explain the constant reference to possums in many of Hornsby’s interviews.

Blessingame discussed the way that some questions would imply the proper answer to the question. By asking leading questions, the true nature of the answers is in doubt. This seems true for the questions about food. If the questions are asked with suggestions then the interviewer is in effect suggesting proper answers. The preponderance of wild game discussed in the narratives suggests that Sadie also asked these types of questions. The implications of the way in which the questions are asked requires care to understand the relative value of the answers.30

Another major problem with following a government created outline is that bias often crept into the questions. Many of Mississippi’s Slave Narratives received a great deal of editing before finally reaching the Federal Government. Hornsby and Hall worked closely together, and it is difficult to tell how much of the original text they may or may not have edited in order to fit it into the desired mold. Considering the success that Hornsby received in gaining trust of African Americans, it would seem like a great waste to censor the final version to remove controversial details that escaped self edit by the ex-slaves themselves.31

Sadie Hornsby faced many complex sociological forces when attempting to compile her works. She faced racial expectations and class etiquette that tainted each of her interviews from the very beginning. There can be no doubt that race was an enormous factor in the construction of the FWP’s projects. Her job required her to overcome the social restrictions in order to get the best interview possible. Hornsby was apparently fortunate enough to poses the life experiences or enough skills in order to overcome many of the hurdles of her work. She had a remarkable ability to cross the racial divide and get the most honest answer possible. Hornsby did often fall into the racist practices of the times in her writings, but it would have also been very difficult for her to break out of the mold set by the FWP. Hornsby was lucky enough to get a job in the middle of the Depression, and her works during this time have provided a remarkable source of information about many of the social circumstances of the Athens Natives.

1. Polk’s Athens (Clarke County, GA) City Directory (Atlanta, GA: R. L. Polk and Co, 1935) 143; Polk’s Athens (Clarke County, GA) City Directory (Atlanta, GA: R. L. Polk and Co, 1937) 133; Baldwin’s Athens Georgia City Directory Master Addition (Baldwin Directory Company Inc, 1940) 388; H. Michael Gelfand, “Chronicling an African-American Life in Athens: James W. Davis and His Georgia Writers’ Project Interview, 1939” The Georgia Historical Quarterly Vol 81 No 3 (Fall 1997) 715

2. Baldwin and Chamber of Commerce’s Athens City Directory Master Edition 1938 (Charelston, SC: Baldwin Directory Company, Inc and Athens Chamber of Commerce, 1938); Gelfand, 715; Monty Noam Penkower The Federal Writers’ Project A Study in Government Patronage of the Arts (Ubana: University of Illinois Press, 1977) Preface p. 7

3. Polk’s Athens (Clarke County, GA) City Directory (Atlanta, GA: R. L. Polk and Co, 1935) 143; Polk’s Athens (Clarke County, GA) City Directory (Atlanta, GA: R. L. Polk and Co, 1937) 133

4. Insurance Maps of Athens Georgia (New York: Sanborn Map Company, 1926) GA502

5. T. J. Woofter Jr, “Phelps-Stokes Fellowship Studies, No. 1: The Negroes of Athens, Georgia,” Bulletin of The University of Georgia (December, 1913) 11-12.

6. Sanborn Insurance Maps GA502

7. Sanborn Insurance Maps GA502

8. Norman R. Yetman, “The Background of the Slave Narrative Collection,” American Quarterly Vol 19 No 3 (John Hopkins University Press, Autumn 1967) 538

9. Donald L. Grant, The Way It Was in the South: The Black Experience In Georgia (Athens Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 2001) 341; Woofter, 9-12; Sanborn Insurance Map

10. Francis Willingham, “Plantation Life,” interview by Sadie B. Hornsby, Slave Narratives: A Folk History in the United States From Interviews with Former Slaves, (1941) 152

11. Dosia Harris, “Plantation Life,” interview by Sadie B. Hornsby, Slave Narratives: A Folk History in the United States From Interviews with Former Slaves, (1941) 104

12. Yetman “The Background”, 538-539

13. Gloria Baker, “Plantation Life,” interview by Sadie B. Hornsby, Slave Narratives: A Folk History in the United States From Interviews with Former Slaves, (1941) 38

14. Lelia Bramblett, interview by Sadie B. Hornsby, in American Life Histories: Manuscripts from the Federal Writers’ Project 1936-1940 [database on-line], (accessed 5 February 2004); available from http://lcweb2.loc.gov/ammem/wpaintro/wpahome.html; Internet

15. Bramblett

16. Norman R. Yetman, “Ex-Slave Interviews and the Historiography of Slavery,” American Quarterly Vol 36 No 2 (John Hopkins University Press, Summer, 1984)

17. Grant 341

18. Peter Kolchin, American Slavery (New York: Hill and Wang, 2003) 111-112

19. Sarah Hill, interview by Sadie B. Hornsby, in American Life Histories: Manuscripts from the Federal Writers’ Project 1936-1940 [database on-line], (accessed 5 February 2004); available from http://lcweb2.loc.gov/ammem/wpaintro/wpahome.html; Internet

20. Alec Pope, interview by Sadie B. Hornsby, in American Life Histories: Manuscripts from the Federal Writers’ Project 1936-1940 [database on-line], (accessed 5 February 2004); available from http://lcweb2.loc.gov/ammem/wpaintro/wpahome.html; Internet

21. Stephanie J. Shaw, “Using the WPA Ex-Slave Narratives to Study the Impact of the Great Depression”, The Journal of Southern History Vol 69 No 3 (August 2003) 625-626

22. Shaw 626, 633

23. Pope

24. John W. Blassingame, “Using the Testimony of Ex-Slaves: Approaches and Problems,”The Journal of Southern History Vol 41 No 4 (The Journal of Southern History, November 1975) 481

25. Blassingame, 481-482

26. Carrie Hudson, “Plantation Life,” interview by Sadie B. Hornsby, Slave Narratives: A Folk History in the United States From Interviews with Former Slaves, (1941) 219

27. Will Sheets, “Plantation Life,” interview by Sadie B. Hornsby, Slave Narratives: A Folk History in the United States From Interviews with Former Slaves, (1941) 241

28. Federal Writers Prokect, These Are Our Lives (New York: Arno Press, 1969) 417-421; Gelfand 719

29. Slave Narratives: A Folk History in the United States From Interviews with Former Slaves (Washington DC: The Federal Writers’ Project, 1941) 20-22

30. Blassingame, 483

31. Sharon Ann Muscher, “Contesting ‘The Way the Almighty Wants It’: Crafting Memories of Ex-Slaves in the Slave Narrative Collection,” (2001) 9