The brief encounter between two men hardly seems a rare or interesting occurrence. What circumstances could make the conversation between an 82-year-old man and another in his fifties worth studying? This dynamic is certainly not an uncommon one in a small town. However, if this town were in the South in the mid-1930s, the content alone would be enough to intrigue historians. This specific dialogue is set in 1937 Columbus, Georgia. The participants are living in the midst of the most severe economic depression ever to hit the country. Segregation has gripped the South with the iron fist of the Jim Crow Laws. The Ku Klux Klan is once again on the rise. These issues create social and economic turmoil that impact the daily lives of Southerners. Still, the words exchanged between these two men, although interesting, would not be out of the ordinary. Only one piece of information could make this situation suddenly become atypical; one of these men is white and the other is black. J. R. Jones, an accountant, is interviewing Reverend W. B. Allen, an ex-slave, on his experiences as a slave. The entire meeting is an unnatural one. Social and legal barriers separate these two men. With such forces restraining them, only a government-sanctioned program created to offset the effects of unemployment could bring these two men together. However, the relationship between them is respectful and enlightening. The men behave in the socially accepted manner of the time, but without any hints of a superior/inferior relationship. The dialogue between these men and the background of the interviewer prove to be quite unusual and fascinating.1
The Great Depression that swept the nation in the 1930’s had devastating effects on Americans. Citizens faced this economic hardship a number of different ways. The Federal government provided one option through the creation of the Federal Writer’s Project. The Works Progress Administration commissioned citizens to interview ex-slaves living in their state. For a small salary, these interviewers spent several hours with a survivor of slavery and recorded their story. This process gives an unrivaled account of slavery through the eyes of those who lived it. These interviews also give some insight into the lives and thoughts of those hidden behind the pen. The interviewers were a vast and diverse group of people ranging widely in everything from education to ideology. Approaching the interviews of the WPA as a record of the type of relationships held between an ex-slave and a (most likely white) southerner working for the government is an exhaustive and highly speculative process. By researching J. R. Jones and the story of his life that he left behind, questions about the relationship between he and Allen are answered.2
The first puzzle to solve about Jones is why he chose to participate in the WPA. John Ralph Jones was not listed as a resident of Columbus until 1936. He was listed as simply an accountant in the directory. 1937 lists him as a bookkeeper for the Department of Public Welfare. His occupation title never stays the same from year to year, but he mostly remains in the field of bookkeeping and accounting. The fact that he was an employee of the government provides a clear link to the opportunity to write for the WPA. This also tells something about his economic status during the Depression. While millions were out of work and searching for a way to make a living, Jones had, at the least, a consistent job with the Department of Public Welfare for five years. Jones had a useful skill that kept him employed from year to year. The accounting job led to opportunities as a district accountant, and then an auditor. Jones appears to be a hardworking man who climbed his way up the ladder. 3
When Jones first appears in the Columbus City Directory, his wife Ruby is listed along side him. Ruby Storey Jones was a native of Buena Vista, Georgia. Ruby’s family history sheds some much-needed light on Jones’ class status. Her death and obituary in 1955 provided a large amount of information about herself and family. Born in 1882, Ruby moved to Columbus is 1932. She was a member of the First Baptist Church, Daughters of the Confederacy, Wynnton Garden Club, and the Women’s Club House Association. The last two organizations listed give some insight into the socialite life Ruby led. The most convincing evidence of Ruby’s high class comes from the last part of her obituary. Named as her pallbearers were three doctors, a reverend, and a Colonel. The pallbearers are listed as being her nephews, uncles, and cousins. Her relatives, the Kendrick’s, owned and operated Kendrick Sand and Gravel in Columbus. Ruby’s male relatives are a testament to the kind of money and careers the family held. This provides evidence, although not conclusive, that the Jones family was part of the upper class.4
With the evidence of Jones’ class status, it becomes clear to see why an encounter with an ex-slave would almost certainly create a dynamic of inequality between them. Reverend Washington B. Allen was born on a South Carolina plantation and named after his master. After his master died, he was taken to Alabama to be sold. His master’s son bought every slave to keep the families together. In the first interview, Jones records the journey “Uncle Wash,” as Allen is referred to, took through his life and how he ended up in Columbus. The interview is concise and informative, giving a very dry interpretation of Allen’s life. Jones seems to glaze over the horrors of being auctioned off with an ease that could only accompany ignorance of the ordeal. Jones interprets the story the way most whites did when hearing about slavery. His documentation is filled with the good times Allen had lived with his master’s wife after his mother died. Jones even goes as far as to describe Allen as “a literal worshipper of the memory of his ‘old time white fokes.’”5
It is in the second interview that there is a shift in the respect levels between the men. Allen initiated this second interview to incorporate some facts that he had omitted in the first meeting. Jones welcomes this opportunity to interview Allen again and this time describes him as a “very interesting specimen of a rapidly vanishing type.” Only in the second interview is reference made to Allen’s current life. His title as a Reverend is included in the interview and he discusses a little of his spiritual leadership. In this interview, Jones allowed Allen’s words to speak for themselves. Allen’s quoted rhetoric is only interrupted a few times to interject transitions. The respect shifts here as Jones gives Allen the floor to say exactly what he means instead of Jones interpreting what he wants to hear. Allen discusses uncomfortable subjects such as corporal punishment of slaves and the Civil War. Allen’s uninhibited speech paints a picture of an open and free exchange between these men. Of course, they were no longer strangers. This was their second meeting. However, one must not forget that this conversation was being held in 1930’s Southern Georgia.6
Allen has spent the last half of his life as a preacher. He is now superannuated because of his old age. It is interesting that emphasis on Allen’s career as a Parson is only mentioned in the second interview. It appears that this fact could have been the root of the change in respect that was given Allen. Jones notes, “…for a slave boy…remarkable familiarity with the Old Testament was displayed.” This single acknowledgement is a clue to the esteem Jones has for Allen as a leader of the spiritual community. Consistently throughout the interview, Allen is referred to as “the Parson” or “the good Parson.” This is quite a change in reverence from the first interview in which Jones repeatedly called Allen by his nickname, “Uncle Wash.”7
A retired preacher, especially one superannuated due to old age, continues to receive an annual pension from the church he served. Most of the time, a monthly pension from the Welfare Board was also provided to them. Although Allen was retired from actively heading a church he still delivered messages at churches throughout Georgia on occasion. Allen, then, was still receiving at least a small salary. This might help explain why there is no mention of hard times financially in his interviews. Not once does he mention being hungry or unable to provide for his needs. He was twice a widower, but living with two of his children. Perhaps there was enough income generated by the three of them to buffer the harsh realities of the Depression. The state of Allen’s economic situation could be another reason Jones respected him. Many people were starving with more mouths to feel than bread to go in them. Allen had secured an income even in the hardest of times through his skill and dedication to a long career. This provides a common ground between the men as they can appreciate and value each other’s skills that had kept them from being devastated by the Depression.8
In the days of slavery, whites viewed those who served them domestically as being a higher class than field laborers. Blacks, however, regarded those who served the black community with the utmost respect. Preachers fell into this category and were considered to hold a higher place in the social anarchy. In much the same way, white populations regarded their preachers and ministers with reverence. Especially in a small town like 1936 Columbus, preachers are leaders in the community. The Southern Protestants tend to accept the teachings of their ministers as authority. They are seen as the moral guides and counselors of the town. As these two cultures lived together but separately in one town, it is not an impossible task to imagine that they began to regard each other as they are seen in their own race. Allen observes the class stratification among the whites in his interview when he talks about the white overseers. Jones shows signs of respect for Allen based on his leadership in the black community. The races, although not intertwined, still resided close enough together to observe each other. As they become more familiar with one another it becomes possible to view an individual of the other race the way he is seen in his own race. Jones certainly began to see Allen as a godly man, a leader, and a man dedicated to his calling.9
There have been many historians criticizing the use of the Slave Narratives as historical documents. They believe far too many omissions were made and the documents that were published were heavily edited. These criticisms are not without merit. Blassingame uses J. R. Jones’ interview with Allen as a particular example of how edited the content was. He refers to the first interview and states that there are so many facts omitted that the number of pages decreased from the original interview to the published interview. This fact is obvious when reading through the paper. It is dry and choppy and really only focuses on one experience Allen had in slavery. The second interview is much more candid and allows Allen to take the stage and direct the conversation.10
As the Depression continued, jobs became few and far between. Jones stopped working for the Department of Welfare in 1940. In 1942, he began working as an office manager at Kendrick Sand and Gravel. This seemed like an odd change of pace for Jones. However, the fact that the Kendrick’s are the relatives of his wife gives a good explanation. Perhaps Jones could not find work elsewhere because of the economic slowdown. It is possible that he was providing a favor to Ruby’s family by working for them. Whatever the reason, he remained a listed employee of Kendrick Sand and Gravel until 1946. His next career move was to open his own accounting firm. Understandably, starting a business takes an enormous amount of capital and risk. This is another clue pointing to Jones’ high economic status, or at the very least, having a wealthy family to back him. From 1949 to 1953 Jones has a business listing on Cusetta Road next to his personal listing in the directory. 1955 shows his business has moved to Fort Benning Road, has a Post Office Box, and a formal name of Public Accountant and Bookkeeping Service.11
1955 proved to be a successful year in his business with its move and expansion, but an unhappy one in his personal life. Ruby Storey Jones became ill and died on January 2, 1955 at the age of 72. Her obituary is quite a display of the wealth Jones had earned. On a page of obituaries of two or three lines each, Ruby’s obituary is a column seven paragraphs long. The cost of such a large space in the Sunday paper would be expensive, but the size gives another clue into the life of the Jones’. Her obituary tells how active she was in the community and lists her memberships. It would be a fair assumption that John and Ruby were well known in Columbus.12
The remainder of John Jones’ life in Columbus is somewhat of a mystery. His wife was buried in Riverdale, the white cemetery. She lay next to their daughter Virginia Jones Klose, nephew Jack Earl Kendrick, niece Louise Kendrick and her husband Eugene Chamblis. This burial plot is the root of the puzzle. Jones’ business was listed for the last time in 1962. There is no record of his death in Georgia or an obituary. At the time of Ruby’s death in 1955, their daughter Virginia was living in Christ Church School, Virginia. A likely speculation would be that he left Columbus in his old age to be with her. However, Virginia is buried next to her mother in Columbus. It could be possible that John died and was buried in Virginia, but puzzling since his wife and daughter were laid to rest in Columbus. Perhaps he was buried with his parents. Because there are no clues leading to his death location, John’s story ends in Columbus in 1962.13
While in Columbus doing research on J. R. Jones, I visited an old acquaintance. When asked what my topic was I told him briefly, “Race relations in Columbus in the 1930s.” Upon hearing this he responded, “What relations? There were none.” This comment set the tone for my research that was to follow. All signs seemed to be agreeing with my friend. Every turn seemed a dead end in my research in a town where racism is far from dead. Even a property contract issued in 2004 stated that the lots were only to be sold to whites. I set out to prove that a relationship between a black preacher and a white accountant could be absent of racism, animosities, and stereotyping. Of course, their environment influenced their opinions of each other; but the first impressions faded. The remarkable thing here is that a prominent, wealthy, white man found grounds on which to respect an ex-slave. These men, although neighbors on Second Avenue, lived worlds apart.14
1. J. R. Jones, “Reverend W. B. Allen, Ex-Salve,” Born in Slavery: Slave Narratives from The Federal Writers Project (Washington D.C.: 1941), 12. ; R.L. Polk, ed, Polk’s Columbus City Directory 1936 (Birmingham: R.L. Polk and Co. Publishers, 1936), 272.
2. Selections from the WPA Slave Narratives, “Been Here So Long”; available from http://newdeal.feri.org/asn/; Internet; accessed 1 March 2004.
3. Polk 1936, 272. ; R.L. Polk, ed, Polk’s Columbus City Directory 1937 (Birmingham: R.L. Polk and Co. Publishers, 1937), 271. ; R.L. Polk, ed, Polk’s Columbus City Directory 1939 (Birmingham: R.L. Polk and Co. Publishers, 1939), 301. ; R.L. Polk, ed, Polk’s Columbus City Directory 1940 (Birmingham: R.L. Polk and Co. Publishers, 1940), 340.
4. Polk 1936, 272. ; “Mrs. Ruby Jones Succumbs; Rites To Be Held Today,” The Columbus Sunday Ledger-Enquirer, 3 January 1955, sec. D, p. 6.
5. J. R. Jones, “Washington Allen, Ex-Slave,” Born in Slavery: Slave Narratives from The Federal Writers Project (Washington D.C.: 1941), 9. ; Norman R. Yetman, “Ex-Slave Interviews and the Historiography of Slavery,” American Quarterly 36, no. 2 (1984): 201. ; Norman R. Yetman, “The Background of the Slave Narrative Collection,” American Quarterly 19, no. 3 (1967): 539.
6. Jones (1937), 15.
7. Jones (1937), 12. ; Jones(1936), 9.
8. Stephanie J. Shaw, “Using the WPA Ex-Slave Narratives to Study the Impact of the Great Depression,” Journal of Southern History 69, no.3 (2003): 625. ; Jones (1937) 16.
9. Peter Kolchin, American Slavery: 1619-1877 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1994), 108.
10. John W. Blaasingame, “Using the Testimony of Ex-Slaves: Approaches and Problems,” The Journal of Southern History 41, no. 4 (1975): 481. ; Jones (1936), 9. ; Jones (1937), 12.
11. R.L. Polk, ed, Polk’s Columbus City Directory 1942 (Birmingham: R.L. Polk and Co. Publishers, 1942), 262. ; The Columbus Sunday Ledger-Enquirer, 6. ; R.L. Polk, ed, Polk’s Columbus City Directory 1946 (Birmingham: R.L. Polk and Co. Publishers, 1946), 319. ; R.L. Polk, ed, Polk’s Columbus City Directory 1949 (Richmond: R.L. Polk and Co. Publishers, 1949), 371. ; R.L. Polk, ed, Polk’s Columbus City Directory 1953 (Richmond: R.L. Polk and Co. Publishers, 1953), 441. ; R.L. Polk, ed, Polk’s Columbus City Directory 1955 (Richmond: R.L. Polk and Co. Publishers, 1955), 295.
12. Polk 1955, 295. ; The Columbus Sunday Ledger-Enquirer, 6.
13. Anne Brown, interview by author, Riverdale Cemetery, Columbus, Georgia, 8 March 2004. ; The Columbus Sunday Ledger-Enquirer, 6. ; R.L. Polk, ed, Polk’s Columbus City Directory 1962 (Richmond: R.L. Polk and Co. Publishers, 1962), 338.
14. Jones (1937), 12. ; Polk 1941, 281.