Matthew S Parrish
Prof. Michael Gagnon
History 3090
Desegregation in
Chatham County, GA
In August of
1994, U.S. District Court Chief Judge B. Avant Edenfield handed down a ruling
following a recommendation from the Chatham County Board of
Education stating that Chatham County was officially a “desegregated,
unitary system and [would return] control [of the school system] to the local
Board of Education.” Nearly 32
years before in 1962, the Savannah-Chatham County School Board was ordered to desegregate
Chatham County Schools; a slow, painful process that forced a historic, southern
town come to grasp with her deep-rooted prejudices and forced her residents to
change their minds and hearts. But
how and why did Savannah and Chatham County take so long to desegregate? Why was this process and the lessons
reaped from it important or significant?
A town full of southern charm and beauty, not even Savannah was spared the
pain endured by those who foolishly resisted the end of segregated schools. Amidst Savannah’s rich history and beauty, under the
surface the racial divide was staggering and it would prove an arduous road to
desegregate the Savannah-Chatham County Schools.[1] <a name="#1"><sup><a href="#1n"><strong>1</strong></a></sup>
The Savannah-Chatham
County School system would not see any move for
desegregation until 1962, though the years preceding were visited with isolated
calls for integration and on the national scene, Americans and the justice
system were demanding equality. In
May of 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court
decided in Brown
v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, that equal education that did not
discriminate along racial lines should and must be imposed. The Court used the 14th
Amendment as their reasoning, deciding that the very fact that classes were
divided by race made them “‘inherently unequal.’” This decision was a reversal of the 1896
decision by the Court in Plessy v. Ferguson, where the Court found that “separate
but equal” schools were constitutional, based on the presupposition that
education would be administered equally among schools that were segregated by
race. Although that decision was
handed down by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1954, it wasn’t until a year later in
1955 that the Court revisited the issue to give local school board officials the
responsibility to see that desegregation be imposed. This ruling was in response to
unanswered questions prompted by Brown v. Board as to who would be charged with
the responsibility and authority to take on such a task. It was apparent to the Court and the
Nation that school districts, especially in the south would not voluntarily
desegregate. The Savannah-Chatham
County School Board would not deal with the issue for another 4 years, and it
would be more than 15 years before Savannah and the school system would see real,
but violent change.
The four years
following the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in 1955 were quiet in Savannah. But by 1959, local black leaders began
to cry for desegregation efforts to begin in the Savannah-Chatham
County School
district.
One of many leading voices in Savannah’s black community pushing for
desegregation was the NAACP Savannah chapter
President, Westley W. Law.
During the summer of 1959, W.W. Law, a local recommended that Negro
students should pressure the Savannah-Chatham County School Board to admit them
to the white schools for the upcoming fall semester. Law pledged his aid to the Negro
students who were trying to be admitted to white schools in Chatham County that fall. However, by late August Law had changed
his position. In the August
28th issue of the Savannah
Evening Press, Law was quoted as stating that it “‘would be foolhardy for
Negro children to attempt to enter white schools now because the school board
has no plan for it.’” Law was
correct. Four years after the
Savannah-Chatham County School Board was charged with the responsibility of
instituting a plan for desegregation, the Board had not held any discussion as
to the matter of drawing up a comprehensive plan that outlined a timeline or
logistics to begin desegregation.
Law’s shift in position was not entirely due to an absence of a plan for
desegregation though. Law was being
threatened by local white attorneys with bogus lawsuits involving mail fraud if
Law actively helped Negros try to register at
white schools. Law was later
cleared by the Postmaster General of any wrongdoing. It is clear from this isolated example
of the lengths that those in favor of segregated schooling conformed to in order
to deter desegregation efforts.
Law, as well as other black community leaders such as Hosea Williams,
continued their calls for a desegregated school system but found no support from
the School Board or the white community in Savannah.[2] <a name="#2"><sup><a href="#2n"><strong>2</strong></a></sup>
After nearly
eight years and no response to the judgment handed down by the Supreme Court,
1962 brought the beginning of the desegregation battle that lasted for the next
30 years. From 1959, The
Savannah-Chatham County School Board took no action towards desegregation for
the next three years. Tensions
between races and especially the Negro parents’ agitation with the
Savannah-Chatham County School Board reached a boiling point in January of
1962. Mr. L. S. Stell, Jr., a black
parent of a Chatham County student, filed a lawsuit against
the Savannah-Chatham County School Board along with more than 25 other black
plaintiffs on behalf of their children.
The plaintiffs asked that the court expedite the process of desegregation
in the Savannah-
Chatham County School
district in the law suit. Some specific requests of the plaintiffs
included: “[That the Court] enter a decree enjoining defendants from continuing
to ‘maintain a dual scheme or pattern of school zone lines or attendance area
lines based on race and color…’” and conversely “[direct] the school board to
‘present a plan, within a period of time to be determined by this court, for the
reorganization of the entire school system of Chatham County into a unitary
nonracial system which shall include a plan for the assignment of children on a
nonracial basis… .’” The plaintiffs
were doubtful of victory as the suit lasted nearly a year and a half, but in the
summer of 1963, the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals moved to order that the
Savannah-Chatham County School Board begin the mandatory process of
desegregating their school system.
The Savannah-Chatham County School Board was required to submit a plan
for the desegregation of Chatham County that would be with terms and
provisions acceptable to the Court.
Under the terms that the court handed down, the School Superintendent
would be solely responsible for seeing that the desegregation plan be
implemented soon and adequately.
The Court would monitor progress to insure that the school district was
taking desegregation seriously. The
Superintendent and the white school board were now faced with a dilemma; how
could the Savannah-Chatham County School Board continue segregation in Savannah
Schools but satisfy the orders of the court. As with most history of race relations
in the south, it would be dirty and painful.[3] <a name="#3"><sup><a href="#3n"><strong>3</strong></a></sup>
By the fall of
1963, the Savannah-Chatham County School Board introduced a twelve year plan to
desegregate Savannah-Chatham County Schools. The plan called for the first step of
integration to begin that fall in grade 12. The NAACP quickly denounced the plan as
too slow and ineffective; representatives from the organization did agree that
desegregation needed to start in the higher grades. Judge Frank M. Scarlett of the U.S.
Appellate Court summons all involved parties to present and discuss the plan and
asked Mr. Stell, plaintiff in Stell v. Savannah-Chatham County School Board, and
Mr. Law of the NAACP to prepare arguments against the plan. What ensued was a bitter war of words
between the Judge, the School Board representative, the NAACP President, and
representatives from the Chatham Council for Human Relations. The hearing was held July
11th, 1963. Mr. Julian
Halligan was the Board’s Vice-President and served as Chair for the Board’s
integration study committee. Mr.
Halligan represented the Board.
Halligan presented a plan “which calls for integration of the twelfth
grade [in 1964], and works down in succeeding years, with a statement of reasons
for this plan.” During the
introduction of the plan, Halligan stressed that
“The foremost thought and concern in the minds of the
Committee was
that we evolve a plan that would be the
least
disturbing to all the children in our school system.
A plan that
would not interfere with the children’s progress
in their quest
for an education.”
However, other parties in the
courtroom would not see the plan as in any way trying to “not interfere with the
children’s progress…” During W.W.
Law’s rebuttal, he stated that it was the “hope of his organization that ‘next
year nothing less than 10 grades or nine grades will fall into the plan.’” Law sharply criticized the slow pace at
which the plan was intended to move, reminding the court and the board of the
1955 ruling which was now, eight years later, being considered. A third party involved in the hearing
was the Chatham Council for Human Relations, represented by Frank Spencer. Mr. Spencer directly criticized the
Board’s plan, and posed a number of questions to the Board concerning the
obvious lengths it was going to in order to prevent the desegregation of
Savannah-Chatham County Schools.
Spencer told the School Board in reference to their action that
“[they’ve] made an error, gone overboard.”
School Board President Darnell Brawner responded that “he resented
‘bitterly your statement that [the School Board] [is] opposing the law of the
land.’” In the end, the plan
was adopted with several endorsements from the local community. The plan would be initiated pending an
objection granted in May by Scarlett by white students arguing that mixing the
races would be detrimental to both white and Negro students. The plan allowed that the
12th grade would be integrated starting the next school year (1964)
and that one grade would be added yearly for the next 12 years. During the next 6 or 7 years, the
Savannah-Chatham County School Board would continue to drag its feet and find
excuse after excuse to slow or prevent further integration. During this time, the Board would come
up with several different, subdued forms of desegregation. These plans typically brought in the
first minorities, but failed at accomplishing the goal set forth by the
courts. Savannah-Chatham County
Schools were still heavily segregated and no attempt to speed the integration
process was being pursued by the school board.[4] <a name="#4"><sup><a href="#4n"><strong>4</strong></a></sup>
By 1971, it was
becoming more and more evident that integration was not moving nearly as swiftly
or comprehensively as the national courts had intended it to. So the courts took the issue up again in
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg. The
outcome of the North Carolina case was a decision by the court that not only was
the process of desegregation taking too long to implement, but that if local
school boards were unable to enforce integration, the courts would be forced to
step in and also implement busing black and white students to different schools
to create more of a balance. This
was not what the Savannah-Chatham County School Board wanted to hear. The failure of the Savannah-Chatham
County School Board to promote desegregation forced the courts to take over in
Savannah-
Chatham County and begin mandatory busing.
The measures
that the Courts called for included the “pairing of mostly all-white with mostly
all-black schools and mandatory busing between the pairs.” The Savannah-Chatham County School Board
reluctantly accepts the terms of the Courts order. They had no choice. The weeks leading up to the 1971-72
school year were full of uncertainty and questions. In Savannah’s elementary schools, registration
went forward as usual per the instructions they received only days before from
the courts. Mrs. Montene Swann told
the Savannah Evening Press that Isle
of Hope Elementary School was “registered according to instructions we received
last Thursday.” In the middle and high schools, registration proceeded without
much incident, and the August 25, 1971 issue of the Savannah Evening Press noted that there
were welcome committees comprised of students and teachers on hand to welcome
new students at Jenkins and Savannah High
Schools.
Black students from Tomkins
High School and Beach High School would now be bused to
all-white Savannah High and Jenkins High.
While the students gave a luke-warm welcome, the community’s reaction was
cool at best. During this initial
period when busing began, parents and activists began protesting and forming
protest lines. Also,
Savannah-Chatham County School Board members who were in favor of the busing and
expedited integration received numerous threats on their life.[5] <a name="#5"><sup><a href="#5n"><strong>5</strong></a></sup>
The National
Guard was never called into Savannah to aide with rioters. From most print accounts, the riots in
Savannah were
limited and not very dangerous. But
those who were there remember differently.
A personal account from a woman who was a teacher at Myers Middle School during the period when
busing started, recalls both parents and students throwing rocks and other
objects through glass bus windows at black students in the spring semester of
1972. In addition, parents would
bring lawn chairs and sit in the school drive-way and along the side of the
school to harass black students and their parents.
The impact that mandatory busing
had on the school system as a whole was tremendous. During the ten years following the start
of mandatory busing by the courts, “The public schools [lost] about 10.000
students, most of whom are white.”
Taking that many white children out of the public education system in
Savannah caused
the majority of the school system to become black. With a predominantly black school system
at that point, many parents began to send their children to private schools in a
move referred to by historians of this era as “white flight.” In Savannah, parents had several options in terms
of a private education. At the
beginning of 1972, there were approximately 6-8 private schools in the
Savannah area.
6 <a name="#6"><sup><a href="#6n"><strong>6</strong></a></sup>
Unfortunately,
while busing was initially successful in creating desegregation,
the Savannah-Chatham County
School Board was facing more problems by 1985. Since
busing began in the early 1970’s, a steady decrease of white students who
attended public school had resulted in a massive net loss of whites by
1985. Most schools in the
Savannah-Chatham county area were falling outside of the desegregated
guidelines, and one school in particular had returned to a segregated all-black
status. The Savannah-Chatham County
School Board felt as though they had exhausted all of their options; the Board
was ordered to revisit the drawing board and compose a new, long-term concept
that came up with solutions as to how the county needed to deal with the un-even
racial make-up of the school districts.
The board took on a variety of different proposals and studies to
determine how best to handle Savannah’s desegregation crisis. By the end of 1986, the Savannah-Chatham
County School Board proposes a plan that they hoped would curve the problems
they were currently experiencing.
One of the key points outlined by the board in their new proposal was the
creation of magnet schools. Magnet
schools were schools that had a primary focus for gifted students or students
inclined with particular skills.
Magnet school propositions included one for fine arts, one that focused
on science, while another on math.
With perceived approval and enthusiasm from the community, the
Savannah-Chatham County School Board submitted the proposal back to the courts
for review. The courts agreed to
the magnet school initiative and other recommendations the board made. However the balloon of support from the
Savannah-Chatham
County community would be
burst after the city voted down a bond referendum to help pay for the
desegregation effort in 1988. Not
all was lost as the courts, obviously disappointed by the referendum decision by
the voters, okayed a new, more modest version of the original plan that would
allow magnet schools to go forward.
Other important points about the courts decision included new levels of
integration for Savannah-Chatham County schools, as well as a provision that
enabled a majority race in one school to transfer to another school so long as
it’s racial make up would be helped.7
<a name="#7"><sup><a href="#7n"><strong>7</strong></a></sup>
The plan was a
success for Savannah-Chatham County. With the new magnet school program,
hundreds and thousands of white students were being attracted back to the public
school system. By the end of the
1980’s, the Savannah-Chatham County School Board would be pleased to see that
they were enjoying the highest percentage of white students in the system since
“white flight” and busing imposed by the courts. But the very thing that brought the
Savannah-Chatham
County School system out of a racial slump in the
1980’s, would begin to bring problems in the mid-1990’s. The magnet school program in Savannah grew bigger and
bigger in the 1990’s and saw the addition of three new magnet schools to the
system. What is the problem? Now the magnet schools were pulling all
of the white students away from the traditional public schools at a much higher
rate than blacks or other minorities.
This was (and is) creating desegregation once again. Efforts were successfully made to
recruit more minorities into the magnet school system and honors programs. Magnet schools today are still a source
of opposition for those who feel they create more segregation than
diversity. The ultimate impact that
magnet schools have on the Savannah-Chatham County School system and their
efforts to aid in desegregation remain to be seen.8
<a name="#8"><sup><a href="#8n"><strong>8</strong></a></sup>
A 1991 ruling
by the Supreme Court mandated that schools systems can be released from court
intervention “once found to have intentionally discriminated.” This opened the door for a
Savannah-Chatham County School Board panel to recommend in 1993 that the school
board vote to “seek unitary status” and “declare the magnet plan a success for
ending the schools’ dual system of separate black and white schools.” A year and a half later in August of
1994, U.S. District Court Chief Judge B. Avant Edenfield handed down a ruling
following a recommendation from the Chatham County Board of Education stating
that Chatham County was officially a “desegregated, unitary system and [would
return] control [of the school system] to the local Board of Education.” A 32 year nightmare was drawing to a
close, not to mention the years before that when segregation was lauded as good
and healthy for out nation.
Savannah
and the Chatham County Board of Education was from the outset rebellious and
unwilling to create change; they weren’t convinced of the importance of what
they were doing. The principal that
all men are created equal stands unwavering, but so often forgotten by those who
take it for granted. The
Savannah-Chatham County School Board is required by law to provide its current
standings on desegregation and how it is impacting its schools.
Endnotes
<p><a
name="#1n"><a
href="#1"><strong>1. </strong></a>[1] Steven Tuck, “A City Too
Dignified to Hate: Civic Pride
Civil Rights, and Savannah in Comparative Perspective,” The
Georgia Historical Quarterly, Fall 1995, 539.
“A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
<p><a
name="#2n"><a
href="#2"><strong>2. </strong></a>[1]
“No Negro School
Integration,” Savannah Evening Press,
28 August 1959, sec. A, p. 1.
<p><a
name="#3n"><a
href="#3"><strong>3. </strong></a>[1] “Negroes File Suit Against Schools,”
Savannah Evening Press,
18 January 1962, sec. A, p. 1.
“A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
<p><a
name="#4n"><a
href="#4"><strong>4. </strong></a>[1] “Court to Sign Order,”
Savannah Evening Press, 29 June 1963,
sec. A, p. 1.
“A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
<p><a
name="#5n"><a
href="#5"><strong>5. </strong></a>[1] “Board to Unveil New Plan
Today,” Savannah Evening Press,
25 August 1977, sec. a, p. 2.
“A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
<p><a
name="#6n"><a
href="#6"><strong>6. </strong></a>6
“A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
<p><a
name="#7n"><a
href="#7"><strong>7. </strong></a>7
“A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
<p><a
name="#8n"><a
href="#8"><strong>8. </strong></a>8 “A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
[1] Steven Tuck, “A City Too
Dignified to Hate: Civic Pride
Civil Rights, and Savannah in Comparative Perspective,” The
Georgia Historical Quarterly, Fall 1995, 539.
“A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
[2]
“No Negro School
Integration,” Savannah Evening Press,
28 August 1959, sec. A, p. 1.
[3] “Negroes File Suit Against Schools,”
Savannah Evening Press,
18 January 1962, sec. A, p. 1.
“A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
[4] “Court to Sign Order,”
Savannah Evening Press, 29 June 1963,
sec. A, p. 1.
“A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
[5] “Board to Unveil New Plan
Today,” Savannah Evening Press,
25 August 1977, sec. a, p. 2.
“A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
6
“A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
7 “A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.
8 “A Dream Deferred,” Savannah Morning News, 1 June 2004, sec. D, p.
1.