Muscogee County Schools and the
Failure of Desegregation
Sarah Hanink
HIST 3090
Gagnon
November 5, 2004
Muscogee County
Schools and the Failure of Desegregation
The desegregation
of the nation’s schools, particularly in the south, has been characterized by challenges,
opposition, and violence. Desegregation
placed internal and external pressure on school officials, galvanized protests
by those who opposed it, and offered educational hope to blacks. The monumental Supreme Court decision, Brown
vs. Board of Education in 1954, sparked controversy nationwide. However, even with this ruling, school
districts failed to immediately integrate their schools and offer the same
educational opportunities to black students as white students. In Muscogee
County, Georgia,
desegregation did not occur until September 7, 1971, seventeen years after the
Brown vs. Board decision. The apathy in
making swift action towards the integration of schools characterizes southern
society at the time in regards to continued oppression of blacks. Despite efforts nationwide in the integration
of public schools, desegregation is far from achieving success. In Muscogee County, Georgia as well as in other areas
nationwide, de facto segregation remains prominent, limiting educational
opportunities not only to black students but to other minorities as well.[1]
On
September 7, 1971, confusion from court-ordered integration of public schools
characterized Muscogee County and the city of Columbus. In a lawsuit Lockett vs. Muscogee County School District,
the judge had ruled in favor of integration of the schools. It was the first
day of the new school year, and many parents expressed confusion as to where they
register their children. Some parents
attempted to register their children at the incorrect schools. However, of the
student population of about 40,000, 37,000 managed to attend classes on the
first day. Under court order, Muscogee County was forced to integrate the
schools in order to achieve a student population that would be seventy percent
white and thirty percent black. In
addition, the faculty ratio was mandated at seventy-five percent white and
twenty-five percent black. In order to integrate the schools, busing was
implemented to transport both white and black students across neighborhood
lines and into schools located further away.[2]
Overall,
the desegregation of Muscogee
County schools occurred
with little incident in comparison to other school districts. This is due largely to the support from local
political leaders and school officials.
The Mayor, J.R. Allen and Third District Congressman Jack Brinkley
responded to the integration order by sending their children to formerly black
schools. Superintendent William Shaw told Columbus-Ledger
Enquirer reporters that most parents had been cooperative, with only one to
two percent of the parents showing opposition. In addition, Muscogee County
experienced significantly less “white flight” than other school districts in
the state. Demographic statistics show
that white populations tend to flee from an area when the black population
constitutes approximately thirty percent. 1970 statistics show that Columbus had a black
population of twenty-six percent, yet very little white flight occurred. The cooperation with the court-order for
school desegregation seems largely due to the fact that Musocgee
County schools, especially in Columbus, maintained
school population with white majorities.
In 1975, Columbus High School and Hardaway High School
were comprised of seventy percent white students, marginally meeting the
standards of the court order. In other
areas, high schools maintained a white majority at fifty-seven percent or
higher.[3]
Despite
general cooperation with the court-order to integrate, opposition occurred
within the Muscogee
County community. Parents who opposed the integration plan
often found legal loopholes in the court order.
For instance, under the court order, students were allowed to request
transfers based on course availability, hardships, or “other good reasons
demonstrated”. Parents used these
loopholes to request transfers for their children based on “hardships” such as
lack of air-conditioning or difficulty climbing stairs due to asthma. Another form of opposition took place
through the coalition of residents in the group known as Citizens Against
Forced Busing. During the September 1971
school board meeting, the group was represented by 200 members. The representatives shouted insults at school
Superintendent Shaw, referring to him as “a dictator. Parents denied being prejudiced, claiming
that they were merely fighting for the freedom of choice, neighborhood schools,
and quality education. Mayor Allen
received harsh criticism after he claimed that many parents were protesting
solely based on their opposition to have their children attend school with
black children.[4]
At
the same time that busing was being opposed in Muscogee County,
opposition against forced busing was also occurring nationwide. Mayor Allen was one such supporter, arguing
that busing caused too long of bus rides, created confusion, and was largely
impractical. On September 8, 1971,
southern congressman initiated action within the federal government to create
an anti-busing constitutional amendment.
Allen requested President Nixon to prevent forced busing for the purpose
of desegregation through a telegram on September 7, 1971. This telegram resulted from a vote by the
Columbus Council on September 6, 1971 to ask the president to halt busing
through an executive order. The council
also voted to seek assistance from the Justice Department in their opposition
to busing. Both resolutions passed with
a vote of eight to two, with the opposing votes coming from the council’s two
black members. Parents who were members
of the Citizens Against Forced Busing argued that it was the obligation of
Mayor Allen and the city council to assist them in their fight against busing.[5]
Busing
and forced integration created challenges for both the white community as well
as for the black community. The
court-ordered ratio of white students to black students meant that every school
in the county would have a white majority, taking school ownership away from
blacks, who had previously exercised some degree of control over their
schools. Middle-class blacks were
targeted for transfer to schools that had been previously white, leaving the
working-class and poor blacks with schools that began to be taken over by white
students. Without the middle-class black
community to voice concerns of the black community, those blacks who were “left
behind” lost ownership of their schools.
As a result, black schools lost some of their traditions. At Carver
High School, a previously
black school, the portrait of George Washington Carver was taken down. In addition, the white choral director changed
the alma mater, as well as traditional graduation proceedings being altered to
accommodate white students’ requests. Black students also became disadvantaged
when veteran black teachers were relocated to other schools, and replaced with
unskilled white teachers who showed apathy towards blacks in their classrooms.[6]
Aside
from the loss of ownership of schools and being faced with unskilled and
inexperienced teachers, black students did benefit from the equalization of
resources. Prior to school desegregation,
black schools received old, worn, and discarded textbooks and other
materials. The equalization of resources
is most likely attributed to the new white majority student populations. Both white and black teachers felt that a
greater equalization of resources would appease parents. As a result of school integration, some
previously all-black schools were closed down due to their inadequate
facilities.[7]
The
decline in academic expectations of black students resulted from the unskilled
and inexperienced white teachers that black students were faced with. Many white teachers expressed frustration
with their students, and many students expressed frustration with their
teachers. Some teachers chose to leave
the Muscogee County school district. From 1970 to 1975, the percentage of teacher
resignations increased twenty-five percent from the four years prior to school
integration. White teachers expressed
their frustration from the claim of teaching to the standards prior to
desegregation, and blamed the black students for not being able to meet
academic standards. They also complained
of the pressure to inflate grades for black students so that they would not
fail their courses. While white teachers
expressed apathy to their black students, students were apathetic to their
teachers. Many students believed that
their teachers had no genuine interest in their education, and only passed them
to get them out of their classroom.
Ability
grouping, or tracking, resulted from the frustration between teachers and
students in academic standards. By the
second year that integration had been in place, students were placed in tracks
for English and mathematics. By 1975,
tracking was official school district policy for grades seven through twelve.
Not surprisingly, the highest track was overwhelmingly white, while the lowest
track was overwhelmingly black. Even
with the tracking system in place, white teachers continued to be frustrated
with what they felt was an overall decrease in academic standards to a state of
mediocrity. The school district adopted
the educational philosophy of uniformity in curriculum and expectations
throughout all schools so as to defend itself against complaints of some
schools being superior to others. This
philosophy was not favored by many white teachers, however, who believed that
the overall standard for the district schools was second-rate.[8]
Though
overall the integration of the schools in Muscogee County
occurred with little incident in comparison to other school-districts, significant
conflict and turmoil did occur in the first year. Racial conflict was a predominant fear among
whites and blacks. The most serious violence occurred at Baker High School. Individual fights escalated to the degree of
rioting, with the involvement of weapons such as chains, belt buckles, and
stones. Garbage cans were hurled into
the surrounding crowd, causing injuries.
When an ambulance arrived to care for the injured, someone cut the hose
under the hood and disabled the vehicle.
The school’s atmosphere remained one of near-anarchy.[9]
Disciplinary
problems increased as a result of desegregation. Hardened racial attitudes led to the
development of gangs of students divided by skin color. Black students closely banded together with
other black students for protection.
Gangs were formed by racist white students who believed in the
oppression of blacks within the schools.
At Baker High School, the Baker Men’s Fraternity
was organized; described as a group of white male students who hated blacks,
and who functioned similarly to the Ku Klux Klan. They provoked violence against blacks and
supported school segregation. Black
students at Baker tended to form gang according to neighborhoods, with the
creation of groups such as Kendrick’s Quarters. With desegregation, an
increasing number of students were suspended and expelled due to racial
violence.[10]
The
re-segregation of schools, beginning in 1973, occurred from changes in
leadership and demographics. In July
1973, Superintendent Shaw retired, being replaced with Braxton Nail. Nail relaxed criteria for hardship transfers,
allowing students to transfer schools more easily and based on sheer preference. By 1982, all four schools in Columbus and fifteen of the nineteen
elementary schools on the south side had black student majorities. While the black population rose from
thirty-four to forty percent from 1980 to 1990, white enrollment in Columbus schools fell
below fifty percent. Twelve schools had
black populations at eighty percent or higher.
However, four high schools in the north of Columbus retained white student majorities,
ranging from fifty-eight to seventy-two percent by 1990.[11]
In
May 1991, the Columbus
branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP) revived the Lockett lawsuit, which had galvanized the Fifth Circuit
Court order to desegregate the schools.
The NAACP faced Judge Robert Elliot of the Eleventh Circuit Court. In
January 1992, Elliot dismissed the case on the grounds that the original
defendants had since graduated. Elliot
was known as a racist and segregationist, and KKK sympathizer. The school board moved to dismiss the Lockett
suit and declare the school system at unitary status. Elliot ruled in favor of the school
district. However, in August 1996, a
three-judge panel of the Eleventh Circuit Court reversed the decision. Upon this decision, the school board
requested a review of school desegregation efforts. Surprisingly, in May 1997, the Eleventh
Circuit court reversed its decision, and ruled in favor of the school
board. The court agreed with the school
board in that the district had effectively desegregated Muscogee County
schools. The NAACP failed to appeal the final decision, and instead drafted six
proposals to the school board to improve integration efforts. These included the implementation of
desegregation standards for all schools; an increase in the number of black
teachers and other school professionals; efforts at raising the educational achievement
level of minorities; efforts at reducing the number of dropouts; the creation
of a comprehensive mentoring group; and the creation of a multiracial advisory
group.[12]
Despite
the outcome of the Lockett case, the NAACP remained optimistic about the
improvement of Muscogee
County schools. They directed the focus of their efforts at
the Muscogee County school board. In November 1993, the first elected school
board in Columbus
was comprised of four black members. The
NAACP felt that the school board was crucial in expressing the concerns of
blacks in terms of educational issues.
In September 1997, white as well as black members showed strong support
for a one percent increase in the sales tax: the revenue would be used to
improve the overall quality of schools in Columbus. Magnet schools also provided opportunities
for continued integration. By 2002, Columbus had nine magnet
schools, six of which were located in primarily black areas.[13]
Despite
their intended efforts at continued school integration, magnet schools have
largely failed to increase educational opportunities for blacks. In 1994, Downtown Elementary School
was established, supposedly to benefit inner-city black children. However, the method of developing the core
curriculum involved surveying white downtown workers. The survey was designed so that the white
downtown workers were able to limit the number of black students admitted to
the new school. Carver High School,
a math, science, and technology magnet school, has seen eight million dollars
devoted to upgrading the school building.
Carver is located in a working-class black neighborhood, with an
eighty-eight percent black population and the lowest test scores of all schools
in Muscogee County.
Columbus High School has seen a decrease in black
enrollment from thirty-seven percent in 1999 to twenty-five percent in
2002. Despite the creation of magnet
schools, the makeup of the racial population in the location of the school
reflects the student population. Schools
in white neighborhoods retain white majorities, while schools in black
neighborhoods retain black majorities. The majority-to-minority voluntary
desegregation attempt by Muscogee
County has had little
effect in the integration of schools. Through
the program, a student can request to transfer to another school where their
race constitutes a minority. In the 2001-2002 school year, twenty-five such
requests were granted. Two requests were
made by white students wishing to attend schools with a black majority.
Despite
efforts to improve academic achievement by black students, schools with black
student majorities continue to score lower than their white counterparts, and
often well below the national average.
In schools with over ninety percent black students, test scores have
either remained constant or declined. In
order to improve academic achievement, the school district has implemented
service to minority students. These
include providing schools who score the lowest on standardized tests more
teachers and increased funding, the Reading Recovery Program at the elementary
level, and the Academic Success Center.
However, the statewide Education Reform Act, which mandates equal
funding and staffing for schools, places low-achieving schools at a
disadvantage by re-allocating both human and financial resources to schools
that fare better academically.
Despite
efforts at improving academic achievement, diversity in faculty and staff
remains minimal. In 2002 black teachers
comprised twenty-four percent of the teaching force, while the black student
population was sixty percent overall.
The only Columbus school with a black
majority is Benning Hills Elementary, while sixty-five of Columbus schools have black majority student
populations. One veteran black teacher
noted that prior to and after desegregation, Columbus had virtually all black
schools. However, before segregation
they were taught with black teachers, where today they are taught primarily by
white teachers. Current methods used to
recruit black teachers include a new program to facilitate teacher certification
for minorities working as paraprofessionals and the increase in recruitment at
historically black colleges and universities.[14]
The
Superintendent’s Roundtable was formed in 1995 to serve as an outlet for
community concern from a racially diverse membership. Comprised of ninety-nine citizens, parents,
and school district employees, the group initiates discussion for action on
community issues related to education.
The Roundtable deals not only with issues related to integration and
racial conflict in the schools, but has also addressed issues such as zero
tolerance policies, and passing the high school graduation test as a
prerequisite for participating in graduation ceremonies.[15]
Controversy
still exists today on the outcome of desegregation in Muscogee County. Many who experienced the desegregation
efforts in the early 1970’s feel resentment to forced integration, arguing that
its only real lasting effects are lower academic standards, low-test scores for
schools with black majorities, and racially imbalanced schools. Black community
members still struggle with inadequate educational opportunities for their
children. Many citizens support neighborhood schools, but also acknowledge the
positive aspects of racially diverse schools.
Most of Muscogee
County residents argue de
facto segregation based on demographics is not likely to change in the near
future.[16]
Like
various schools districts nationwide, Muscogee County
has failed to meet the intended goal of Brown vs. Board of Education and
statewide and local desegregation efforts.
Black students as well as other minorities are continuously being
limited not only in educational opportunities but in other opportunities as
well, such as securing affordable housing and better paying jobs. The No Child Left Behind Act, issued by
President Bush in 2001, also places schools with minority populations in
jeopardy, as they continuously produce lower academic success than schools with
white majorities. These schools, once
deemed as “not making adequate yearly progress”, will lose federal funding,
when these are the very schools that need financial resources the most. Students benefit from racially and culturally
diverse environments, especially as the minority population (especially of
Hispanics) continually increases in the United States. In contemporary society will a global
economy, it is necessary for students to be able to work well and cooperate
with others have are of a different “race” or ethnicity as they are; and this
comes only through interaction with a diverse population. Federal, state, and local governments have an
obligation in ensuring that all children are provided with the same educational
opportunities.[17]
Sites of Interest
http://facstaff.colstate.edu/causey_virginia/About%20Me1.htm
This site is the webpage of Dr. Virginia Causey, who is the
author of “Revisiting Desegregation: A
Three-Part Series”, which was published in the Columbus Ledger Enquirer. She has done extensive research on this
subject, and serves as the Program Coordinator of History Education at Columbus State University.
http://www.animetionink.com/shorts/revisiting-desegregation.htm
This is the website used by the Columbus Ledger-Enquirer to
publish Dr. Virginia Causey’s “Revisiting Desegregation: A Three-Part Series,”
and includes all three sections.
http://www.mcsdga.net/
This is the website of the Muscogee County
School District, which
includes a link to information on the Board of Education members.
http://www.law.emory.edu/11circuit/aug96/94-9355.opa.html
The context of the Lockett
vs. Muscogee County court case, presented in the United States Court of
Appeals, is published on this website.