Muscogee County Schools and the Failure of Desegregation

 

Sarah Hanink

HIST 3090

Gagnon

November 5, 2004

 

 

Muscogee County Schools and the Failure of Desegregation

 

           

The desegregation of the nation’s schools, particularly in the south, has been characterized by challenges, opposition, and violence.  Desegregation placed internal and external pressure on school officials, galvanized protests by those who opposed it, and offered educational hope to blacks.  The monumental Supreme Court decision, Brown vs. Board of Education in 1954, sparked controversy nationwide.  However, even with this ruling, school districts failed to immediately integrate their schools and offer the same educational opportunities to black students as white students.  In Muscogee County, Georgia, desegregation did not occur until September 7, 1971, seventeen years after the Brown vs. Board decision.  The apathy in making swift action towards the integration of schools characterizes southern society at the time in regards to continued oppression of blacks.  Despite efforts nationwide in the integration of public schools, desegregation is far from achieving success. In Muscogee County, Georgia as well as in other areas nationwide, de facto segregation remains prominent, limiting educational opportunities not only to black students but to other minorities as well.[1]

            On September 7, 1971, confusion from court-ordered integration of public schools characterized Muscogee County and the city of Columbus. In a lawsuit Lockett vs. Muscogee County School District, the judge had ruled in favor of integration of the schools. It was the first day of the new school year, and many parents expressed confusion as to where they register their children.  Some parents attempted to register their children at the incorrect schools. However, of the student population of about 40,000, 37,000 managed to attend classes on the first day.  Under court order, Muscogee County was forced to integrate the schools in order to achieve a student population that would be seventy percent white and thirty percent black.  In addition, the faculty ratio was mandated at seventy-five percent white and twenty-five percent black. In order to integrate the schools, busing was implemented to transport both white and black students across neighborhood lines and into schools located further away.[2]

            Overall, the desegregation of Muscogee County schools occurred with little incident in comparison to other school districts.  This is due largely to the support from local political leaders and school officials.  The Mayor, J.R. Allen and Third District Congressman Jack Brinkley responded to the integration order by sending their children to formerly black schools. Superintendent William Shaw told Columbus-Ledger Enquirer reporters that most parents had been cooperative, with only one to two percent of the parents showing opposition. In addition, Muscogee County experienced significantly less “white flight” than other school districts in the state.  Demographic statistics show that white populations tend to flee from an area when the black population constitutes approximately thirty percent. 1970 statistics show that Columbus had a black population of twenty-six percent, yet very little white flight occurred.  The cooperation with the court-order for school desegregation seems largely due to the fact that Musocgee County schools, especially in Columbus, maintained school population with white majorities.  In 1975, Columbus High School and Hardaway High School were comprised of seventy percent white students, marginally meeting the standards of the court order.  In other areas, high schools maintained a white majority at fifty-seven percent or higher.[3]

            Despite general cooperation with the court-order to integrate, opposition occurred within the Muscogee County community.  Parents who opposed the integration plan often found legal loopholes in the court order.  For instance, under the court order, students were allowed to request transfers based on course availability, hardships, or “other good reasons demonstrated”.  Parents used these loopholes to request transfers for their children based on “hardships” such as lack of air-conditioning or difficulty climbing stairs due to asthma.    Another form of opposition took place through the coalition of residents in the group known as Citizens Against Forced Busing.  During the September 1971 school board meeting, the group was represented by 200 members.  The representatives shouted insults at school Superintendent Shaw, referring to him as “a dictator.  Parents denied being prejudiced, claiming that they were merely fighting for the freedom of choice, neighborhood schools, and quality education.  Mayor Allen received harsh criticism after he claimed that many parents were protesting solely based on their opposition to have their children attend school with black children.[4]

            At the same time that busing was being opposed in Muscogee County, opposition against forced busing was also occurring nationwide.  Mayor Allen was one such supporter, arguing that busing caused too long of bus rides, created confusion, and was largely impractical.  On September 8, 1971, southern congressman initiated action within the federal government to create an anti-busing constitutional amendment.  Allen requested President Nixon to prevent forced busing for the purpose of desegregation through a telegram on September 7, 1971.  This telegram resulted from a vote by the Columbus Council on September 6, 1971 to ask the president to halt busing through an executive order.  The council also voted to seek assistance from the Justice Department in their opposition to busing.  Both resolutions passed with a vote of eight to two, with the opposing votes coming from the council’s two black members.  Parents who were members of the Citizens Against Forced Busing argued that it was the obligation of Mayor Allen and the city council to assist them in their fight against busing.[5]

            Busing and forced integration created challenges for both the white community as well as for the black community.  The court-ordered ratio of white students to black students meant that every school in the county would have a white majority, taking school ownership away from blacks, who had previously exercised some degree of control over their schools.  Middle-class blacks were targeted for transfer to schools that had been previously white, leaving the working-class and poor blacks with schools that began to be taken over by white students.  Without the middle-class black community to voice concerns of the black community, those blacks who were “left behind” lost ownership of their schools.  As a result, black schools lost some of their traditions.  At Carver High School, a previously black school, the portrait of George Washington Carver was taken down.  In addition, the white choral director changed the alma mater, as well as traditional graduation proceedings being altered to accommodate white students’ requests. Black students also became disadvantaged when veteran black teachers were relocated to other schools, and replaced with unskilled white teachers who showed apathy towards blacks in their classrooms.[6]

            Aside from the loss of ownership of schools and being faced with unskilled and inexperienced teachers, black students did benefit from the equalization of resources.  Prior to school desegregation, black schools received old, worn, and discarded textbooks and other materials.  The equalization of resources is most likely attributed to the new white majority student populations.  Both white and black teachers felt that a greater equalization of resources would appease parents.  As a result of school integration, some previously all-black schools were closed down due to their inadequate facilities.[7]

            The decline in academic expectations of black students resulted from the unskilled and inexperienced white teachers that black students were faced with.  Many white teachers expressed frustration with their students, and many students expressed frustration with their teachers.  Some teachers chose to leave the Muscogee County school district.  From 1970 to 1975, the percentage of teacher resignations increased twenty-five percent from the four years prior to school integration.  White teachers expressed their frustration from the claim of teaching to the standards prior to desegregation, and blamed the black students for not being able to meet academic standards.  They also complained of the pressure to inflate grades for black students so that they would not fail their courses.  While white teachers expressed apathy to their black students, students were apathetic to their teachers.  Many students believed that their teachers had no genuine interest in their education, and only passed them to get them out of their classroom.

            Ability grouping, or tracking, resulted from the frustration between teachers and students in academic standards.  By the second year that integration had been in place, students were placed in tracks for English and mathematics.  By 1975, tracking was official school district policy for grades seven through twelve. Not surprisingly, the highest track was overwhelmingly white, while the lowest track was overwhelmingly black.  Even with the tracking system in place, white teachers continued to be frustrated with what they felt was an overall decrease in academic standards to a state of mediocrity.  The school district adopted the educational philosophy of uniformity in curriculum and expectations throughout all schools so as to defend itself against complaints of some schools being superior to others.  This philosophy was not favored by many white teachers, however, who believed that the overall standard for the district schools was second-rate.[8]

            Though overall the integration of the schools in Muscogee County occurred with little incident in comparison to other school-districts, significant conflict and turmoil did occur in the first year.  Racial conflict was a predominant fear among whites and blacks. The most serious violence occurred at Baker High School.  Individual fights escalated to the degree of rioting, with the involvement of weapons such as chains, belt buckles, and stones.  Garbage cans were hurled into the surrounding crowd, causing injuries.  When an ambulance arrived to care for the injured, someone cut the hose under the hood and disabled the vehicle.  The school’s atmosphere remained one of near-anarchy.[9]

            Disciplinary problems increased as a result of desegregation.  Hardened racial attitudes led to the development of gangs of students divided by skin color.  Black students closely banded together with other black students for protection.  Gangs were formed by racist white students who believed in the oppression of blacks within the schools.  At Baker High School, the Baker Men’s Fraternity was organized; described as a group of white male students who hated blacks, and who functioned similarly to the Ku Klux Klan.  They provoked violence against blacks and supported school segregation.  Black students at Baker tended to form gang according to neighborhoods, with the creation of groups such as Kendrick’s Quarters. With desegregation, an increasing number of students were suspended and expelled due to racial violence.[10]

            The re-segregation of schools, beginning in 1973, occurred from changes in leadership and demographics.  In July 1973, Superintendent Shaw retired, being replaced with Braxton Nail.  Nail relaxed criteria for hardship transfers, allowing students to transfer schools more easily and based on sheer preference.  By 1982, all four schools in Columbus and fifteen of the nineteen elementary schools on the south side had black student majorities.  While the black population rose from thirty-four to forty percent from 1980 to 1990, white enrollment in Columbus schools fell below fifty percent.  Twelve schools had black populations at eighty percent or higher.  However, four high schools in the north of Columbus retained white student majorities, ranging from fifty-eight to seventy-two percent by 1990.[11]

            In May 1991, the Columbus branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) revived the Lockett lawsuit, which had galvanized the Fifth Circuit Court order to desegregate the schools.  The NAACP faced Judge Robert Elliot of the Eleventh Circuit Court. In January 1992, Elliot dismissed the case on the grounds that the original defendants had since graduated.  Elliot was known as a racist and segregationist, and KKK sympathizer.  The school board moved to dismiss the Lockett suit and declare the school system at unitary status.  Elliot ruled in favor of the school district.  However, in August 1996, a three-judge panel of the Eleventh Circuit Court reversed the decision.  Upon this decision, the school board requested a review of school desegregation efforts.  Surprisingly, in May 1997, the Eleventh Circuit court reversed its decision, and ruled in favor of the school board.  The court agreed with the school board in that the district had effectively desegregated Muscogee County schools. The NAACP failed to appeal the final decision, and instead drafted six proposals to the school board to improve integration efforts.  These included the implementation of desegregation standards for all schools; an increase in the number of black teachers and other school professionals; efforts at raising the educational achievement level of minorities; efforts at reducing the number of dropouts; the creation of a comprehensive mentoring group; and the creation of a multiracial advisory group.[12]

            Despite the outcome of the Lockett case, the NAACP remained optimistic about the improvement of Muscogee County schools.  They directed the focus of their efforts at the Muscogee County school board.  In November 1993, the first elected school board in Columbus was comprised of four black members.  The NAACP felt that the school board was crucial in expressing the concerns of blacks in terms of educational issues.  In September 1997, white as well as black members showed strong support for a one percent increase in the sales tax: the revenue would be used to improve the overall quality of schools in Columbus.  Magnet schools also provided opportunities for continued integration.  By 2002, Columbus had nine magnet schools, six of which were located in primarily black areas.[13]

            Despite their intended efforts at continued school integration, magnet schools have largely failed to increase educational opportunities for blacks.  In 1994, Downtown Elementary School was established, supposedly to benefit inner-city black children.  However, the method of developing the core curriculum involved surveying white downtown workers.  The survey was designed so that the white downtown workers were able to limit the number of black students admitted to the new school.  Carver High School, a math, science, and technology magnet school, has seen eight million dollars devoted to upgrading the school building.  Carver is located in a working-class black neighborhood, with an eighty-eight percent black population and the lowest test scores of all schools in Muscogee County.  Columbus High School has seen a decrease in black enrollment from thirty-seven percent in 1999 to twenty-five percent in 2002.  Despite the creation of magnet schools, the makeup of the racial population in the location of the school reflects the student population.  Schools in white neighborhoods retain white majorities, while schools in black neighborhoods retain black majorities. The majority-to-minority voluntary desegregation attempt by Muscogee County has had little effect in the integration of schools.  Through the program, a student can request to transfer to another school where their race constitutes a minority. In the 2001-2002 school year, twenty-five such requests were granted.  Two requests were made by white students wishing to attend schools with a black majority.

            Despite efforts to improve academic achievement by black students, schools with black student majorities continue to score lower than their white counterparts, and often well below the national average.  In schools with over ninety percent black students, test scores have either remained constant or declined.  In order to improve academic achievement, the school district has implemented service to minority students.  These include providing schools who score the lowest on standardized tests more teachers and increased funding, the Reading Recovery Program at the elementary level, and the Academic Success Center.  However, the statewide Education Reform Act, which mandates equal funding and staffing for schools, places low-achieving schools at a disadvantage by re-allocating both human and financial resources to schools that fare better academically.

            Despite efforts at improving academic achievement, diversity in faculty and staff remains minimal.  In 2002 black teachers comprised twenty-four percent of the teaching force, while the black student population was sixty percent overall.  The only Columbus school with a black majority is Benning Hills Elementary, while sixty-five of Columbus schools have black majority student populations.  One veteran black teacher noted that prior to and after desegregation, Columbus had virtually all black schools.  However, before segregation they were taught with black teachers, where today they are taught primarily by white teachers.  Current methods used to recruit black teachers include a new program to facilitate teacher certification for minorities working as paraprofessionals and the increase in recruitment at historically black colleges and universities.[14]

            The Superintendent’s Roundtable was formed in 1995 to serve as an outlet for community concern from a racially diverse membership.  Comprised of ninety-nine citizens, parents, and school district employees, the group initiates discussion for action on community issues related to education.  The Roundtable deals not only with issues related to integration and racial conflict in the schools, but has also addressed issues such as zero tolerance policies, and passing the high school graduation test as a prerequisite for participating in graduation ceremonies.[15]     

            Controversy still exists today on the outcome of desegregation in Muscogee County.  Many who experienced the desegregation efforts in the early 1970’s feel resentment to forced integration, arguing that its only real lasting effects are lower academic standards, low-test scores for schools with black majorities, and racially imbalanced schools. Black community members still struggle with inadequate educational opportunities for their children. Many citizens support neighborhood schools, but also acknowledge the positive aspects of racially diverse schools.  Most of Muscogee County residents argue de facto segregation based on demographics is not likely to change in the near future.[16]

            Like various schools districts nationwide, Muscogee County has failed to meet the intended goal of Brown vs. Board of Education and statewide and local desegregation efforts.  Black students as well as other minorities are continuously being limited not only in educational opportunities but in other opportunities as well, such as securing affordable housing and better paying jobs.  The No Child Left Behind Act, issued by President Bush in 2001, also places schools with minority populations in jeopardy, as they continuously produce lower academic success than schools with white majorities.  These schools, once deemed as “not making adequate yearly progress”, will lose federal funding, when these are the very schools that need financial resources the most.  Students benefit from racially and culturally diverse environments, especially as the minority population (especially of Hispanics) continually increases in the United States.  In contemporary society will a global economy, it is necessary for students to be able to work well and cooperate with others have are of a different “race” or ethnicity as they are; and this comes only through interaction with a diverse population.  Federal, state, and local governments have an obligation in ensuring that all children are provided with the same educational opportunities.[17]

 

 

Sites of Interest

http://facstaff.colstate.edu/causey_virginia/About%20Me1.htm

This site is the webpage of Dr. Virginia Causey, who is the author of Revisiting Desegregation: A Three-Part Series”, which was published in the Columbus Ledger Enquirer.  She has done extensive research on this subject, and serves as the Program Coordinator of History Education at Columbus State University.

 

http://www.animetionink.com/shorts/revisiting-desegregation.htm

This is the website used by the Columbus Ledger-Enquirer to publish Dr. Virginia Causey’s “Revisiting Desegregation: A Three-Part Series,” and includes all three sections.

 

http://www.mcsdga.net/

This is the website of the Muscogee County School District, which includes a link to information on the Board of Education members.

 

http://www.law.emory.edu/11circuit/aug96/94-9355.opa.html

The context of the Lockett vs. Muscogee County court case, presented in the United States Court of Appeals, is published on this website.

 

 

 



[1] James T. Patterson, Brown v. Board of Education; A Civil Rights Milestone and its Troubled Legacy (New York, Oxford University Press, 2001)

[2] Virginia Causey, “Revisiting Desegregation: Part One: Color Lines,” Columbus Ledger-Enquirer, 23 June 2002.  Available from http://www.animetionink.com/shorts/revisiting-desgregation.htm; accessed October 14, 2004.

[3] Causey, pgs.1-2

[4] Causey, pg. 2

[5] “Council Scores Busing,” Columbus Ledger-Enquirer, 8 September 1971, sec. A, pg. 8.

[6] Causey, pg. 3

[7] Causey, pg. 3

[8] Causey, pg. 4 “Part Two: Desegregation and Re-segregation”

[9] Causey, pg. 4

[10] Causey, pg. 6

[11] Causey, pg. 6

[12] Causey, pg. 7-8, United States Court of Appeals, Lockett vs. Muscogee County School District, Eleventh Circuit Court Appeals, 28 August 1996.

[13] Causey, pg. 8 “Part Three: Mostly Separate and Still Not Equal”

[14] Causey, pg. 10

[15] Causey, pg. 10

[16] Causey, pg. 12

[17] U.S. Department of Education, “No Child Left Behind Act”; available from